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'''Walter Frederick Mondale''' (born January 5, 1928– April 19, 2021<ref>Schnell, Mychael (April 19, 2021). [https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/549122-former-vice-president-walter-mondale-dies-at-age-93 Former Vice President Walter Mondale dies at age 93]. ''The Hill''. Retrieved April 19, 2021.</ref>) is a former [[United States Senate|U.S. Senator]] from [[Minnesota]] who served as [[Vice President of the United States|vice president]] under [[U.S. President]] [[Jimmy Carter]] from 1977 to 1981.<ref>''Fandex'', Workman Publishing, 2002.</ref> In 1984, as the former vice president, Mondale was the [[Democratic Party]] nominee for President. An avowed [[liberal]], Mondale was defeated by the incumbent [[Ronald Reagan]]. Mondale carried only his home state and the [[District of Columbia]]. He is the only person in history to have lost a statewide election as the nominee of a major party in all fifty states, having lost the 2002 senatorial election in Minnesota and the 1984 presidential election in the other forty-nine.

Author [[Tim LaHaye]], in ''[[The Battle for the Mind, A Subtle Warfare]]'' recounts Mondale's [[Secular humanism|humanist]] background. Mondale was a contributor to ''The Humanist'' magazine and attended the 5th Congress of the International Humanist and Ethical Union held in August 1970 at the [[Massachusetts Institute of Technology]]. At that conference, then Senator Mondale said: "Although I have never formally joined a humanist society, I think I am a member by inheritance. My preacher father was a humanist ... and I grew up on a very rich diet of humanism from him. All of our family has been deeply influenced by this tradition including my brother Lester, a Unitarian minister ..." Indeed , Robert Lester Mondale (1904-20031904–2003), Walter Mondale's older half-brother, was the only person to sign each of the three ''Humanist Manifesto''s in 1933, 1973, and 2003.<ref>[[Tim LaHaye]], ''[[The Battle for the Mind, A Subtle Warfare]],'' (Old Tappan, [[New Jersey]]: Power Books (Fleming H. Revell Company), 1980), p. 139.</ref>

The Mississippi Freedom Party was organized by [[African Americans American]]s to challenge the establishment Democratic Party, which allowed participation only by whiteshad denied them the right to vote. The Freedom party ran a slate of delegates with close to 80,000 people casting ballots.<ref>[http://www.crmvet.org/tim/tim63b.htm#1963msballot Freedom Ballot in MS] ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans</ref> The party hoped to replace the Regular Democrats as the official Mississippi delegation at the 1964 Democratic National Convention.

At the convention the party challenged the Regular Democrats' right to be seated, claiming that the Regular Democrats were illegally elected in a segregated process that violated both party regulations and [[federal law]].<ref>[http://www.crmvet.org/disc/mfdp.htm The Mississippi Movement & the MFDP] ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans</ref> The [[Equal Protection Clause ]] had been on the books for nearly 100 years already, yet Democrats regularly violated it. The Democratic Party referred the challenge to the credentials committee,<ref>{{cite book

After that, most observers and pundits thought the credentials committee were ready to unseat the Regular Democrats and seat the Freedom Party delegates in their place. But some Democrats from other states threatened to leave the convention and bolt the party if the Regular Democrats were unseated. [[President Lyndon Johnson ]] wanted a united convention and feared losing support. To ensure his victory in November, Johnson maneuvered to prevent the Mississippi Freedom Democrats from replacing the all-white Regular Democrats.

Two future Democrat Presidential nominees, Sen. [[Hubert Humphrey]] and then-Minnesota [[Attorney General]] Walter Mondale, denied Blacks [[equal protection]] and made a mockery of the [[civil rights movement]]. <ref>https://www.minnpost.com/eric-black-ink/2011/05/sad-story-humphreys-role-1964-democratic-convention/</ref> Johnson dispatched held a private meeting with Humphrey and , Mondale , Roy Wilkins, [[Andrew Young]], [[United Auto Workers]] President [[Walter Reuther]] and [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] A plan was hatched to offer the Freedom Democrats two non-voting ''At-Large'' seats with observer status, rather than replace the all-white delegation which had been undemocratically and illegally elected.<ref>Mills, Kay, ''This Little Light of Mine: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer,'' (New York: Plume, 1994), p. 5.</ref> Johnson arrogated to himself the right to pick which two, and Johnson chose one white and one black. Johnson dispatched Humphrey and Mondale and ordered them to make sure that “that illiterate woman," Fannie Lou Hamer would never be a delegate. Dr. King protested, and was told by Reuther to shut up. The offer was rejected out of hand, but Humphrey and Mondale remained powerhouse liberals in the Democratic party for another 20 years.

After [[Ted Kennedy]]'s [[primary]] challenge and [[President Carter]]'s loss to Reagan in 1980, Democrats rewrote their nominating and convention procedures for the fourth time in twelve years.<ref>See Broder, below.</ref>. Anticipating a two-way contest in 1984 between Sen. Kennedy and former Vice President [[Walter Mondale]],<ref>Bad blood existed between the Humphrey-Mondale and Kennedy machines going back to [[Hubert Humphrey]]'s 1960 Presidential primary campaign. Humphrey later wrote of the [[Massachusetts liberal|Kennedy machine]], "underneath the beautiful exterior there was an element of ruthlessness and toughness I had trouble either accepting or forgetting."</ref>, the original point of contention between them was over bound delegates which Sen. Kennedy wanted to loosen, while the Mondale machine wanted a candidate to be able to go so far as to replace a "disloyal delegate".<ref>[http://academic.regis.edu/jriley/413%20democratic_party_convention_rule.htm Democratic party convention rule changes]. academic.regis.edu . Delegates must march in lockstep.</ref>.

The Mondale machine, supported by Chairman Jim Hunt and union bosses, more importantly wanted to do something about outsiders and [[New Left]] “extremists”<ref>Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, p.7, below. www.brookings.edu </ref> they felt had taken over the party.<ref>[[Jane Fonda]] and [[Tom Hayden]] are interesting case studies; by 1980 Fonda was calling herself a "small 'd' democrat" advocating “industrial policy” and [http://www.janefonda.com/tag/campaign-for-economic-democracy/ “economic democracy”] while Hayden was entering the ranks of the “establishment” electoral process through the California Democratic machine. Fonda’s terminology [https://go.berniesanders.com/page/event/detail/volunteeractivityormeeting/4v4xs remarkably resembles views] espoused by [[Bernie Sanders]], who also began a career in electoral politics outside the Establishment Democratic Party in the early 1980s. Fonda and Hayden became involved in the ‘save the whales’ and [[Greenpeace]] movement. By 1979 after the U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam, the [[Democide|Cambodian genocide]] in which 2 million persons were murdered was well under way, and a popular reaction against the “anti-establishment” New Left peace movement of the 1960s took hold in the United States. Bumper stickers with slogans such as “nuke the whales” became fashionable.</ref><ref>[httphttps://www.nytimes.com/1981/03/30/arts/jane-fonda-of-the-80-s-mellower-but-still-an-activist.html JANE FONDA OF THE 80'S MELLOWER BUT STILL AN ACTIVIST], By MICHIKO KAKUTANI, ''[[New York Times]]'', March 30, 1981.</ref><ref>See also ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=RbpdkYGh65kC&pg=PA191&lpg=PA191&dq=%22Russia+Iran+Disco+Suck%22&source=bl&ots=ARPrGgswYE&sig=YV0lNWWWR2nyPc4lwg7V4B-tRwo&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiZxMuXvMPMAhVR5WMKHcElCZcQ6AEINTAF#v=onepage&q=%22Russia%20Iran%20Disco%20Suck%22&f=false Russia Iran Disco Suck]'' for a summary of the popular mood in the late 1970s.</ref>. The Mondale and Kennedy machines agreed to do away with portions of the [[McGovern-Fraser Commission ]] (known as the "reform movement") that had striped influence and power from elected government office holders in the nomination process<ref>[httphttps://www.upi.com/Archives/1982/01/15/Democratic-party-rule-makers-recommended.-today-that-delegates-to/3774379918800/ UPI Reporting on the Hunt Commission by ARNOLD SAWISLAK], Jan. 15, 1982.</ref> and paved the way for outsiders and an "insurgent candidate" . The rules the Democratic National Committee (DNC) adopted from Hunt Commission recommendations didn't just allow or encourage incumbents to return, it guaranteed them seats outside the regular [[Democracy|democratic]] selection process. The Kennedy faction wanted to cut the number from about 800 reserved seats in half,<ref>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1982/01/17/democrats-and-unintended-consequences/d4741a07-05a2-47b1-bd33-b04458338005/ Democrats and Unintended Consequences], By David S. Broder, ''[[Washington Post]]'', January 17, 1982. </ref>, but over the years the base number of other delegates was expanded to meet the target of about 1-in-6 rather than the 1-in-3 originally proposed. [httphttps://www.foxnews.com/person/e/susan-estrich.html Susan Estrich], who was to manage [[Michael Dukakis]]' 1988 presidential campaign<ref>Estrich and Dukakis are ranking members in the Massachusetts Kennedy machine which tried to resurrect the 1960 alliance and victory with Texas Democrats on the Dukakis/Bentsen ticket.</ref> strenuously objected to the plan, and derisively coined the term "super-delegate", whom she claimed would disproportionately be white males.<ref>[https://www.hks.harvard.edu/news-events/news/news-archive/history-of-superdelegates A History of 'Super-Delegates' in the Democratic Party], Elaine Kamarck, Harvard Kennedy School of Government, 2016.</ref>. Nevertheless, the idea became rule, and the figure of about 800 positions has held,<ref>The number varies cycle to cycle based upon the number of Congressional seats, Governorships, and other offices the Democratic party controls, and when vacancies occur during the 90 day window for selection or at the time the Credentials Committee convenes. Superdelegatges have been likened to the ruling ''[[Nomenklatura]]'' of the Soviet era. </ref>, while the requirements for non-elected office holders chosen outside of the primary and caucus system has only been expanded.<ref>Democratic party convention rule changes, academic.regis.edu , above.</ref>. The "Old Democrats" had retaken power with a vengeance.

The Hunt Commission (or "counter-reform movement") discarded the proportional allocation rules from the 1970s in favor of winner-take-all. Prior to proportional representation there was the “unit rule”, a delegation had to vote as a unit, now known as “winner-take-all”. McGovern-Fraser scraped the unit rule in favor of [[affirmative action]], or “proportional representation”, rather than actual votes cast. Today’s Today's “unpledged” Superdelegates [[Superdelegate]]s are party bosses whose cronies, the “pledged delegates”, earn their seats in state machines by working to elect Superdelegates in previous elections. Together they function as a unit, wherein the boss makes a deal to throw his weight behind a candidate -- a candidate—a re-creation of the 19th century political machine that [[Progressive]] reformers such as [[Bob La Follette ]] fought to eliminate.<ref>La Follette wanted to do away with caucuses and conventions completely, which he said were [http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=lhbum&fileName=07510/lhbum07510.db&recNum=226&itemLink=r?ammem/lhbum:@field%28DOCID+@lit%28lhbum07510div10%29%29%23075100227&linkText=1 "prostituted to the service of corrupt organization"] and wanted to rely on the direct open primary so that "nominations of the party will not be the result of 'compromise' or impulse, or evil design...[but rather] the candidates of the majority, honestly and fairly nominated." [http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/lhbum:@field(DOCID+@lit(lhbum07510)):@@@$REF$ Robert La Follette's Autobiography], pp. 195-200.</ref>.

The winner-take-all rules had the embarrassing affect in 1984 of allowing an insurgent candidate to rack up big delegate wins in late primary states.<ref>Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Chapter 1 [http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/press/books/1/1/reformingthepresidentialnominationprocess/reformingthepresidentialnominationprocess_chapter.pdf Choosing Presidential Candidates], Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, eds., Brookings Institute, 2009, pp. 4-8. www.brookings.edu . An excellent and timely synopsis.</ref>. So after 1984 the party brought back "proportional allocation".<ref>This had the consequence in Democratically controlled states, after the [[Bush v. Gore|2000 Florida Recount]] and calls to abolish the [[Electoral College]], for party bosses to explain ''why'' winner-take-all is more beneficial to the state and that "proportional allocation" is a "feel-good" measure that has the effect of cancelling out votes within the same party and state.</ref>.

When Sen. Kennedy decided not to run in 1984, two insurgent candidates did appear, McGovern's 1972 "[[New Democrat]]" campaign manager Sen. Gary Hart, and [[Jesse Jackson]], who was to be the first [[African-American]] to win states in a major party primary election for president. Susan Estrich's words were prophetic: the good old white boy network, including Hart, shot him down.<ref>[httphttps://www.nytimes.com/1984/05/20/us/disparity-between-jackson-s-vote-and-delegate-count-vexes-party.html?pagewanted=all DISPARITY BETWEEN JACKSON'S VOTE AND DELEGATE COUNT VEXES PARTY], By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM, ''New York Times'', May 20, 1984; see also ''New York Times'' on April 24, May 11, and May 24 of 1984 for articles reporting Jackson's complaint</ref>. The rules were written for a two-way contest between establishment insiders--Mondale insiders—Mondale and Kennedy, not the three-way slugfest between baby boomers, blacks, and the party Old Guard it came to be.

[[Jimmy Carter]] actively campaigned for Mondale against [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1984 under the [[Confederate flag]]. [[Jesse Jackson]] refused to release his delegates in 1984 to [[Gary Hart]], Clinton's old boss from the [[McGovern]] campaign of 1972. Jackson, the first African-American to win states in a major party primary, questioned the disparity between his vote total and delegate count, but even Hart sided with the DNC's rigging the primary rules.<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1984/05/20/us/disparity-between-jackson-s-vote-and-delegate-count-vexes-party.html?pagewanted=all DISPARITY BETWEEN JACKSON'S VOTE AND DELEGATE COUNT VEXES PARTY], By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM, ''New York Times'', May 20, 1984.</ref> In 1988 Jackson selected Ron Brown as his chief negotiator at the 1988 Democratic National Convention.<ref>https://socialistworker.org/2016/07/25/how-democrats-got-over-the-rainbow<</ref> Brown went on to serve as DNC Chairman and Commerce Secretary until he died in a mysterious plane crash.<ref>https://www.amazon.com/Ron-Browns-Body-Presidency-Hillarys/dp/0785262377</ref>

==2002 CampaignSenate campaign==