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'''Chicago''' is a city located in the northeastern corner of the state of [[Illinois]] on the shore of the southwestern tip of [[Lake Michigan]]. Chicago is located mostly within [[Cook County]], but a corner of its O'Hare Airport is in [[DuPage County]]. It is the largest city in Illinois and the third-largest city in the [[United States]], with 2.8 million residents, after New York City and Los Angeles.<ref>http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/17/1714000.html</ref>. The Chicago metropolitan area, which extends from southern [[Wisconsin]] to northeastern [[Indiana]] and is often called "Chicagoland", contains 9.3 million people. <ref>http://www.census.gov/population/estimates/metro_general/2006/CSA-EST2006-alldata.csv</ref> It is the dominant city of the Midwest for transportation, trade, finance and high culture, and only reluctantly gave up the "second city" title to [[Los Angeles]] in the 1970s.

Chicago is home to the [[Sears Tower|Willis Tower]], which at 1,450 feet is the tallest building in the United States, and was once the tallest building in the world. The building, more commonly known locally and internationally as the "Sears Tower", was originally the headquarters of Sears when constructed. In the late 2000s, London-based Willis Insurance bought the naming rights to the tower upon leasing a significant amount of space.<ref>http://www.thesearstower.com/buildinginfo.axis?type=n&name=Property Profile </ref> The world-renowned ''Art Institute of Chicago'' houses both a museum and a school.<ref>[http://www.artic.edu/ The Art Institute of Chicago]</ref>

The world-renowned ''Art Institute City of Chicago'' houses both a museum has high gun violence levels, and a schoolthe strict [[gun control]] laws of the city and of Illinois have not had any effect in reducing violence. <ref> Schallhorn, Kaitlyn (August 9, 2018). [http://www.articfoxnews.educom/ The Art Institute of politics/2018/08/09/chicago-shootings-put-spotlight-on-illinois-gun-laws.html Chicagoshootings put spotlight on Illinois gun laws] . ''Fox News''. Retrieved August 9, 2018.</ref>

Although originally settled by Yankees, the railroads, stockyards, and other heavy industry of the late 19th century attracted a variety of skilled workers from Europe, especially Germans, English, Swedish and Dutch, as well as unskilled Irish Catholics. From 1890-1914 migrations swelled, attracting especially unskilled workers from Eastern and Southern Europe, including Poles, Lithuanians, Croatians, Czechs, Greeks, Italians and Jews among others. World War I cut off immigrations from Europe, and restrictions in the 1920s slowed the European influx to a trickle, apart from refugees after World War II. During both world wars poor Americans arrived from the South--whites South—whites from Appalachia and blacks from the cotton fields due south. The near south side was the first Black area, and it continued to expand, as did the black neighborhoods on the near west side. These were segregated areas (few blacks were tolerated in white neighborhoods), and after 1950 public housing high rises anchored poor black neighborhoods south and west of the Loop.

==Geography==

Concentrating the family resources to achieve home ownerships was a common strategy in the ethnic neighborhoods. It meant sacrificing current consumption, and pulling children out of school as soon as they could earn a wage. By 1900 working-class ethnics immigrants owned homes at higher rates than native-born people. After borrowing from friends and building associations, immigrants kept boarders, grew market gardens, and even opened home-based commercial laundries, eroding home-work distinctions while sending out women and children to work to repay loans. They sought not middle class upward mobility but the security of home ownership. Many social workers wanted them to pursue upward job mobility (which required more education), but realtors asserted that houses were better than a bank for a poor man. With [[hindsight]], and considering uninsured banks' precariousness, this appears to have been true. Chicago's workers made immense sacrifices for home ownership, contributing to Chicago's sprawling suburban geography and to modern myths about the American dream. The Jewish community, by contrast, rented apartments and maximized education and upward mobility for the next generation.<ref>Elaine Lewinnek, "Better than a Bank for a Poor Man? Home Financing Strategies in Early Chicago." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2006 32(2): 274-301. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: [[Sage]]; see also Joseph C. Bigott, ''From Cottage to Bungalow: Houses and the Working Classes in Metropolitan Chicago, 1869-1929'' (2001) [http://www.amazon.com/Cottage-Bungalow-Metropolitan-1869-1929-Architecture/dp/0226048756/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1198670620&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search] </ref>

The Chicago Sanitary and Ship Canal was first proposed in 1885 by civil engineer Lyman Edgar Cooley, who envisioned a deep waterway that would dilute and divert the city's sewage by funneling water from Lake Michigan into a canal, which would drain into the Mississippi River via the Illinois River. Beyond presenting a solution for Chicago's sewage problem, Cooley's proposal appealed to the economic need to link the Midwest with America's central waterways to compete with East Coast shipping and railroad industries. Strong regional support for the project led the Illinois legislature to circumvent the federal government and complete the canal with state funding. The opening in January 1900 met with controversy and a lawsuit against Chicago's appropriation of water from Lake Michigan. By the 1920s the lawsuit was divided between the states of the Mississippi River Valley, who supported the development of deep waterways linking the Great Lakes with the Mississippi, and the Great Lakes states, who feared sinking water levels might harm shipping in the lakes. In 1929 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in support of Chicago's use of the canal to promote commerce, but ordered the city to discontinue its use for sewage disposal.<ref>Lorien Foote, "Bring the Sea to Us: the Chicago Sanitary and Ship Canal and the Industrialization of the Midwest, 1885-1929." ''Journal of Illinois History'' 1999 2(1): 39-56. Issn: 1522-0532 </ref>

One of the largest municipal public works projects in US history lies inconspicuously 150 to 300 feet below the streets of Chicago, a city plagued from its inception by pollution and flooding related to Lake Michigan's basin. Engineering techniques pioneered specifically for the project have created mammoth overflow sewers commonly known as the Deep Tunnel and more officially as the Tunnel and Reservoir Plan (TARP). Construction began in 1976 after nearly fifty years of financial, engineering, and political maneuvering by local, state, and federal officials. While the project's long-promised rewards were materializing as of 2001, critics asserted that the city approached the problem of flood overflow in its usual grandiose manner, employing large-scale solutions when simpler, less-costly alternatives to TARP, such as curbing wasteful water use and creating green belts, should have been explored.<ref> Timothy B. Neary, "Chicago-style Environmental Politics: Origins of the Deep Tunnel Project." ''Journal of Illinois History'' 2001 4(2): 83-102. Issn: 1522-0532 </ref>

The Chicago Historical Society has probably the finest local history collection in the world, with an equally strong library to support research.<ref> See Catherine M. Lewis, ''The Changing Face of Public History: The Chicago Historical Society and the Transformation of an American Museum.'' (2005). 172 pp. </ref>Following his 1924 retirement as chairman of the board of Sears, Roebuck & Company, [[Julius Rosenwald]] embarked on a campaign to found a science and industry museum in Chicago similar to the Deutsches Museum in Munich, Germany, which he had visited in 1911. Although a city bond issue provided some funds, Rosenwald and his estate spent over $11 million through the mid-1940s. Portions of the Museum of Science and Industry opened in 1933, one year after Rosenwald's death, and the entire museum opened in 1938.<ref> Ascoli (2006)</ref>

Late-19th-century big city newspapers such as the ''Chicago Daily News'' - founded in 1875 by Melville E. Stone - ushered in an era of news reporting that was, unlike earlier periods, in tune with the particulars of community life in specific cities. Vigorous competition between older and newer-style city papers soon broke out, centered on civic activism and sensationalist reporting of urban political issues and the numerous problems associated with rapid urban growth. In Chicago competition was especially fierce between the ''Chicago Times'' (Democratic), the ''Chicago Tribune,'' (Republican) and the ''Daily News'' (independent), with the latter becoming the city's most popular paper by the 1880s.<ref>David Paul Nord, "Read All about It"" ''Chicago History'' 2002 31(1): 26-57. Issn: 0272-8540 </ref>

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On 7 December 1903 the "absolutely fireproof," five-week-old Iroquois Theater was destroyed by fire in Chicago. The fire lasted less than thirty minutes; however, 602 people died as a result of being burned, asphyxiated, or trampled.<ref> Anthony P. Hatch, "Inferno at the Iroquois." ''Chicago History'' 2003 32(2): 4-31. Issn: 0272-8540 </ref>

The cruise ship ''Eastland'' capsized at its pier on a calm day, July 24, 1915, killing over 800 passengers. It was top-heavy because of new federal laws (passed in response to the Titanic) requiring lifeboats.<ref> George W. Hilton, ''Eastland: Legacy of the Titanic.'' (1995). </ref>

A major environmental disaster came in July 1995, with 739 heat-related deaths after one week of record high heat and humidity.<ref> Christopher R. Browning; Wallace, Danielle; Feinberg, Seth L.; and Cagney, Kathleen A.; Klinenberg, Eric (Reply). "Neighborhood Social Processes, Physical Conditions, and Disaster-related Mortality: the Case of the 1995 Chicago Heat Wave." ''American Sociological Review'' 2006 71(4): 661-678. Issn: 0003-1224 </ref>

By 1900, [[Progressive Era]] political and legal reformers initiated far-ranging changes in the American criminal justice system, with Chicago taking the lead. Violent crime rates were high yet law enforcers rarely convicted killers, more than three-fourths of whom went unpunished. Even in homicide cases in which the identity of killers was certain and the police made arrests, jurors typically exonerated or acquitted killers. A blend of gender-, race-, and class-based notions of justice trumped the rule of law, producing low homicide conviction rates during a period of soaring violence.<ref> Jeffrey S. Adler, "'It Is His First Offense. We Might as Well Let Him Go': Homicide and Criminal Justice in Chicago, 1875-1920." ''Journal of Social History'' 2006 40(1): 5-24. Issn: 0022-4529 Fulltext: [[History Cooperative]] and [[Project Muse]]</ref>

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rates of domestic murder tripled in Chicago. Domestic homicide was often a manifestation of strains in gender relations induced by urban and industrial change. At the core of such family murders were male attempts to preserve masculine authority. Yet, there were nuances in the motives for the murder of family members, and study of the patterns of domestic homicide among ethnic groups reveals basic cultural differences. German immigrants tended to murder over declining status and the failure to achieve economic prosperity. In addition, they were likely to kill all members of the family and then commit suicide in the ultimate attempt at maintaining control. Italian men killed family members to save a gender-based ideal of respectability that entailed patriarchal control over women and family reputation. African Americans, like the Germans, often murdered in response to economic conditions but not over desperation about the future. Like the Italians, the killers tended to be young, but family honor was not usually at stake. Instead, black men murdered to regain control of wives and lovers who resisted their patriarchal "rights."<ref> Adler, "'We've Got a Right to Fight; We're Married': Domestic Homicide in Chicago, 1875-1920." 2003 </ref>

Progressive reformers in the business community created the Chicago Crime Commission (CCC) in 1919 after an investigation into the robbery at a factory showed the city's criminal justice system was deficient. The CCC initially served as a watchdog of the justice system. However, after a suggestion that the justice system begin collecting criminal records was rejected, the CCC assumed a more active role in fighting crime. The commission's role expanded even further after Frank J. Loesch became president in 1928. Loesch recognized the need to eliminate the glamour that Chicago's media typically attributed to criminals. Determined to expose the horrors and violence of the crime world, Loesch drafted a list of public enemies and turned Al Capone into a scapegoat for society's evils.<ref>Bill Barnhart, "Public Enemies: Chicago Origins of Personalized Anticrime Campaigns." ''Journal of Illinois History'' 2001 4(4): 258-270. Issn: 1522-0532 </ref>

Chicago's black population swelled dramatically during World War I as immigration from Europe was impossible and factories demanded more and more war workers. Whites got the factory jobs, but many opportunities opened for black men and women. Economic conditions for the city's blacks during the 1920s were much better than in the South, but were also characterized by chronic unemployment and low wage rates. Many families living below the poverty line. These conditions were caused primarily by employers' discriminatory hiring and promotion policies, a surplus of labor at a time of continued black migration from the South, and residential segregation in the African American neighborhoods of Chicago. Consequently, the economic conditions that brought about political radicalization and realignment of African Americans during the 1930s, and which are associated primarily with the Great Depression, were in evidence throughout much of the 1920s. Accordingly, the Great Migration of the 1910s and 1920s, rather than being seen largely as a phenomenon associated with World War I, takes on greater significance in terms of its economic and political repercussions in black Chicago in the years before the depression.<ref>Gareth Canaan, "'Part of the Loaf': Economic Conditions of Chicago's African-American Working Class During the 1920's." ''Journal of Social History'' 2001 35(1): 147-174. Issn: 0022-4529 Fulltext: [[Project Muse]] </ref>

Chicago's [[Polish Americans|Polonia]] sustained diverse political cultures, each with its own newspaper. In 1920 the community had a choice of five daily papers - from the Socialist ''Dziennik Ludowy'' [People's daily] (1907-251907–25) to the Polish Roman Catholic Union's ''Dziennik Zjednoczenia'' [Union daily] (1921-391921–39) - all of which supported workers' struggles for better working conditions and were part of a broader program of cultural and educational activities. The decision to subscribe to a particular paper reaffirmed a particular ideology or institutional network based on ethnicity and class, which lent itself to different alliances and different strategies.<ref>Jon Bekken, "Negotiating Class and Ethnicity: the Polish-language Press in Chicago." ''Polish American Studies'' 2000 57(2): 5-29. Issn: 0032-2806 </ref>

===Since 1940===

The city hosted the [[1968 Democratic National Convention]] when [[Richard J. Daley]] was mayor. The convention was disrupted by radicals such as [[Abbie Hoffman]].

Holli (1999) argues that the political regime of Chicago Mayor [[Richard J. Daley]] during 1955-76 was unusually stable during an era of national instability because Daley kept firm control of the governmental machinery, which slowed change to a manageable pace and had a deep and profound appeal to Chicagoans. Ethnic and racial squabbling erupted after Daley's death in 1976 and continued through the tenures of four mayors, even as the rest of the nation entered a period of greater political stability. After the transitory tenure of interim mayor Eugene Sawyer, the years of political instability ended with the 1989 election of the former boss's son, [[Richard M. Daley]]. Young Daley's election marked a return to political calm seen, in the light of equilibrium theory, as inevitable after the tumultuous years that preceded it.<ref> Melvin G. Holli, "Political Equilibrium and the Daley Eras in Chicago." ''Continuity'' 1999 (23): 83-96. Issn: 0277-1446 </ref>

The Robert Taylor Homes (RTH), part of Chicago's public housing projects financed by the federal government, opened in 1962. As the largest US public housing project, RTH consisted of 28 high-rises of 16 floors each, providing homes for 27,000 people. By 1965, RTH was already substandard and crime-ridden. Through the 1970s, RTH became predominantly single-mother welfare households. During site selection, the size of the project kept increasing. Federal cost worries forced the use of the high-rise design. Minors so outnumbered adults at RTH from the beginning that gangs, vandalism, and other crimes quickly became endemic. RTH was too large to administer effectively. Substandard systems, including elevators, plumbing, and heating, insufficient police protection, and the demographic burden on local schools were instrumental in RTH's failure.<ref> D. Bradford Hunt, "What Went Wrong with Public Housing in Chicago? A History of the Robert Taylor Homes." ''Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society'' 2001 94(1): 96-123. Issn: 1522-1067; Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, ''American Project: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto,'' (2002). </ref>

In 1942-43 60,000 Nisei (born in U.S. of Japanese parents) were removed from the West Coast relocation camps and resettled in distant cities. 20,000 came to Chicago. In contrast to their self-contained, West-coast lifestyle, the Nisei in Chicago attempted to more fully integrate themselves in the community. This permitted many to take advantage of their racial "inbetweenness" to fill labor shortages caused by the war. Nisei used this "twilight zone" status between blacks and whites to distance themselves from blacks, frequently adopting the language of racial prejudice to heighten distinctions. Most Nisei successfully shed their ethnic identity in Chicago, amalgamated into the white community and stayed in the city.<ref> Charlotte Brooks, "In the Twilight Zone Between Black and White: Japanese American Resettlement and Community in Chicago, 1942-1945." ''Journal of American History'' 2000 86(4): 1655-1687. Issn: 0021-8723 Fulltext: [[History Cooperative]] [[http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8723(200003)86%3A4%3C1655%3AITTZBB%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S and Jstor]]</ref>

Fernandez (2005) documents the history of Mexican and Puerto Rican immigration and community formation in Chicago after World War II. Beginning with World War II, Mexican and Puerto Rican workers traveled to the Midwest through varying migrant streams to perform unskilled labor. They settled in separate areas of Chicago. These parallel migrations created historically unique communities where both groups encountered one another in the mid-twentieth century. By the 1950s and 1960s, both groups experienced repeated displacements and dislocations from the Near West Side, the Near North Side and the Lincoln Park neighborhood. At the macro level, Mexican and Puerto Rican workers' life chances were shaped by federal policies regarding immigration, labor, and citizenship. At the local level, they felt the impact of municipal government policies, which had specific racial dimensions. As these populations relocated from one neighborhood to the next, they made efforts to shape their own communities and their futures. During the period of the Civil Rights Movement, Mexicans and Puerto Ricans engaged in social struggles, both in coalition with one another but also as separate, distinct, national minorities. They created organizations and institutions such as Casa Aztlán , the Young Lords Organization, Mujeres Latinas en Acción , the Latin American Defense Organization, and El Centro de la Causa. These organizations drew upon differing strategies based on notions of nation, gender, and class, and at times produced inter-ethnic and inter-racial coalitions.<ref> Lilia Fernández, "Latina/o Migration and Community Formation in Postwar Chicago: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Gender, and Politics, 1945-1975." PhD dissertation U. of California, San Diego 2005. 302 pp. DAI 2006 66(10): 3779-A. DA3191767 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]. See also Mérida M. Rúa, "Claims to `the City': Puerto Rican Latinidad amid Labors of Identity, Community, and Belonging in Chicago." PhD dissertation U. of Michigan 2004. 219 pp. DAI 2005 65(10): 3877-A. DA3150079

Benjamin C. Willis was superintendent of the Chicago Public Schools (1953 - 1966). During his tenure, the public schools in Chicago, as in many large cities, declined in terms of both the quality of the education they provided and the quantity of resources they received. Willis saw educational leadership as the work of professionals, not of community activists or political leaders. This outlook isolated his administration and undermined his influence. In the 1970s, efforts to desegregate schools through busing led to an exodus of whites from the city. <ref> John L. Rury, "Race, Space, and the Politics of Chicago's Public Schools: Benjamin Willis and the Tragedy of Urban Education." ''History of Education Quarterly'' 1999 39(2): 117-142. Issn: 0018-2680 Fulltext: [[http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-2680(199922)39%3A2%3C117%3ARSATPO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 in Jstor]]</ref>

As a politician and as Chicago's black mayor (1983-871983–87), [[Harold Washington]] maintained a distinctive strategy toward reform of public schools.<ref> Jim Carl, "Harold Washington and Chicago's Schools Between Civil Rights and the Decline of the New Deal Consensus, 1955-1987." ''History of Education Quarterly'' 2001 41(3): 311-343. Issn: 0018-2680 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-2680(200123)41%3A3%3C311%3AHWACSB%3E2.0.CO%3B2-5 in Jstor]]</ref> Rather than focus on integration (bringing whites and minorities into the same schools), Washington favored measures to strengthen local schools, especially in minority neighborhoods. He called for more state support to urban schools in place of property taxes and more power to local groups to influence curriculum and the quality of teaching. In 1987 the teacher strike transformed educational problems into a crisis. Washington created the Parent Community Council from local groups and arranged for a summit with their representatives and those of business, school administration, and teachers. His death in 1987 unraveled the deliberations for change that had been taking place. The schoold were so beset by violence, teacher shortages and inadequate financing that few Few disagreed with the brutal verdict of U.S. Secretary of Education [[William Bennett]] in 1987, "Chicago's public schools are the worst in the nation." In the late 1990s, the realization that busing had become unrealistic caused Chicago's political leaders and community activists to join together in focusing attention and resources on improving neighborhood schools. Mayor Richard M. Daley seized control of the school system in 1995 and promised drastic reforms. However, the legislature largely left in place elected councils made up of parents and community members at each of the district's nearly 600 schools. At struggling schools on probation, Daley has stripped councils of power, but at others the councils hire principals and oversee a significant portion of each school's budget. Paul G. Vallas, a blunt-talking, bottom-line-driven manager led the system from 1995 to 2001. Vallas presided over a $3 billion construction effort that built 71 schools and renovated 500. He cut 2,000 nonteaching positions and stabilized the district's finances. Given broad executive authority, Vallas ended automatic promotion from grade to grade and greatly expanded summer school, policies that have been copied across the country. Math and reading scores improved, with about 40% of students at grade level in 2001, up from 30% in 1995. <ref> See [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9905EFDB1E3FF934A35755C0A9679C8B63 Jodi Wilgoren, "Chief Executive of Chicago Schools Resigns," ''New York Times'' June 7, 2001]</ref> In 2001 Daley appointed Arne Duncan, 36, to preside over a school system with 435,000 students, 45,900 employees and a $3.5-billion annual budget. In 2009 Duncan, hailed for his work in Chicago, became Secretary of Education for the [[Obama Administration]].

Journalists, novelists and poets shaped Chicago's national and international reputation. Images and representations are important means by which the city is known and negotiated. During the years of rapid urbanization 1890-1930 the numerous daily newspapers presented the most important and pervasive word versions of the city. Among the significant innovations of Chicago's newspapers in these years that shaped the idea of the city was the emergence of the local color columnist. Groeninger (2005) examines the role of columnists in Chicago newspapers in creating a "city of the mind." After a review of the literature on images of cities, the relationship of newspapers to modern city life in the thought of Robert Park, and the world of Chicago's newspapers at the turn-of-the-century, detailed studies of a number of the most important columnists of the era follow. [[George Ade]]'s column of the 1890s in the ''Daily News'', "Stories of the Streets and of the Town," presented a view of Chicago from the perspective of migrants from the small towns of the Midwest. In the same decade [[Finley Peter Dunne]]'s column in the ''Evening Post'', featuring the fictional Irish barkeeper, Mr. Dooley, offered readers a literary version of the Irish working-class neighborhood of Bridgeport. [[Ring Lardner]]'s ''Tribune'' sports column of the teens, "In the Wake of the News," satirized not only Chicagoans obsession with sports, but also the middle-class culture of opera, musical theater, and the newspaper itself. Several columns in the black newspaper, ''The Whip'', offered images of Bronzeville in the 1920s that both reflected and helped shape the experience of African-Americans on the South Side of Chicago. [[Ben Hecht]]'s "1001 Afternoons in Chicago" column in the ''Daily News'' expressed a new, anti-Victorian sensibility in the post-war era, but his most enduring contributions to the image of Chicago were on the stage and in the new medium of film. The columnists who wrote about everyday life in the city were the most distinctive and powerful newspaper voices in shaping the idea of Chicago and the civic personality of the city itself.<ref> David V. Groeninger, "Chicago Imagined: The Role of Newspaper Columnists in Creating a City of the Mind, 1890-1930." PhD dissertation Loyola U., Chicago 2005. 280 pp. DAI 2005 66(5): 1925-A. DA3175764 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]. See also Sarah Susan Marcus, "Up from the Prairie: Depictions of Chicago and the Middle West in Popular Culture, 1865-1983." PhD dissertation U. of Wisconsin, Madison 2001. 445 pp. DAI 2001 62(4): 1554-1555-A. DA3012550 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]</ref> Often referred to as the "Windy City", many people mistake that saying for the weather. It actually refers to the chatter of deal-making among Chicago politicians, the wind being talk. Chicago was the United States' bid city for the 2016 Olympics, which ultimately were awarded to [[Rio de Janeiro]].

The city was also rather notorious for several dirty elements in politics, including a quote attributed to Richard J. Daley called "Vote early, vote often", alluding to stuffing the ballot box to ensure a win in an election cycle, as well as a joke on how Chicago was the place where "people come back from the grave to vote", in reference to ghost voters, which is a variant of ballot box stuffing which included names of people who had in fact died before the election. ==See Alsoalso==

* [[Gun control]] -- Chicago—Chicago, along with [[San Francisco values|San Francisco]], [[Washington D.C.]], [[New York City]] and [[Los Angeles]], is known to be one of the 5 top [[American]] cities with the most [[left-wing]] [[Second Amendment|Anti-Second Amendment]] laws. See "[[Vote with your feet]]" [[strategic relocation]] to [[Free States Movement|free states]] with low [[population density]]

the best source to study all aspects of Chicago is [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/ James R. Grossman, Ann Durkin Keating, and Janice L. Reiff, eds.. ''The Encyclopedia of Chicago'' (University of Chicago Press, (2005) ISBN 0-226-31015-9; (online version)]* Szucs, Loretto Dennis. ''Chicago and Cook County: A Guide to Research'' (1996), 517pp; bibliographies for genealogy and local history[http://www.amazon.com/Chicago-Cook-County-Guide-Research/dp/0916489620/ref=si3_rdr_bb_product excerpt and text search]

* Keating, Ann Durkin. "Chicagoland: More than the Sum of its Parts." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2004 30(2): 213-230. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]

* Quaife, Milo Milton. ''Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835.'' (1913, reprint (2001). 480 pp.

* Adler, Jeffrey S. "'We've Got a Right to Fight; We're Married': Domestic Homicide in Chicago, 1875-1920." ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History'' 2003 34(1): 27-48. Issn: 0022-1953 Fulltext: [[Project Muse]]

* Capano, Daniel E. "Chicago's War with Water." ''American Heritage of Invention & Technology'' 2003 18(4): 50-58. Issn: 8756-7296[http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/magazine/it/2003/4/2003_4_50.shtml full text online]

* Strickland, Arvarh E. ''History of the Chicago Urban League.'' (1966, 2nd ed. (2001). 286 pp.

* Green, Paul M., and and Melvin G. Holli. ''Chicago, World War II'' (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/Chicago-World-War-Images-America/dp/0738532096/ref=sr_1_4?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1198592033&sr=1-4 excerpt and text search]

* Robertson, Darrel M. ''The Chicago Revival, 1876: Society and Revivalism in a Nineteenth-Century century City.'' (1989). 225 pp.

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