Difference between revisions of "Superdelegate"
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The [[Democrats]] adopted this system of '''superdelegates''' to avert another fiasco like that experienced in 1972, when the purely democratic nomination process produced an unelectable candidate for president, [[George McGovern]]. | The [[Democrats]] adopted this system of '''superdelegates''' to avert another fiasco like that experienced in 1972, when the purely democratic nomination process produced an unelectable candidate for president, [[George McGovern]]. | ||
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| + | ===Hunt Commission=== | ||
| + | After Ted Kennedy's challenge and President Carter's loss, Democrats met again for the fourth time in twelve years to re-write nominating and convention procedures<ref>See Broder, below.</ref>. Anticipating a two-way contest in 1984 between Sen. Kennedy and former Vice President Mondale<ref>Bad blood existed between the Humphrey-Mondale and Kennedy machines going back to {{wpl|Hubert_Humphrey#Presidential_and_vice-presidential_ambitions_.281952.E2.80.931964.29|Humphrey's 1960 Presidential primary campaign}}. Humphrey later wrote of the Kennedy machine, "underneath the beautiful exterior there was an element of ruthlessness and toughness I had trouble either accepting or forgetting."</ref>, the original point of contention was over bound delegates which Sen. Kennedy wanted to loosen, while the Mondale machine wanted a candidate to be able to go so far as to replace a "disloyal delegate"<ref>[http://academic.regis.edu/jriley/413%20democratic_party_convention_rule.htm Democratic party convention rule changes]. academic.regis.edu . Delegates must march in lockstep.</ref>. | ||
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| + | The Mondale machine, supported by Chairman Jim Hunt and labor leaders, more importantly wanted to do something about outsiders and New Left “extremists” they felt had taken over the party. [[Jane Fonda]] and [[Tom Hayden]] are interesting case studies; by 1980 Fonda was calling herself a "small 'd' democrat"<ref>[http://www.nytimes.com/1981/03/30/arts/jane-fonda-of-the-80-s-mellower-but-still-an-activist.html JANE FONDA OF THE 80'S MELLOWER BUT STILL AN ACTIVIST], By MICHIKO KAKUTANI, ''New York Times'', March 30, 1981.</ref> advocating “industrial policy” and [http://www.janefonda.com/tag/campaign-for-economic-democracy/ “economic democracy”] while Hayden was entering the ranks of the “establishment” electoral process through the California Democratic machine. Fonda’s terminology remarkably resembles views espoused by Bernie Sanders<ref>[https://go.berniesanders.com/page/event/detail/volunteeractivityormeeting/4v4xs Economic Democracy], go.berniesanders.com </ref> who also began a career in electoral politics outside the Establishment Democratic Party in the early 1980s. Fonda and Hayden became involved in the ‘save the whales’ and [[Greenpeace]] movement. By 1979 after the U.S. withdrawl from South Vietnam, the Cambodian genocide in which 2 million persons were murdered was well under way, and a popular reaction against the “anti-establishment”<ref>Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, p.7, below. www.brookings.edu </ref> New Left peace movement of the 1960s took hold in the United States. Bumper stickers with slogans such as “nuke the whales” became fashionable.<ref>See also ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=RbpdkYGh65kC&pg=PA191&lpg=PA191&dq=%22Russia+Iran+Disco+Suck%22&source=bl&ots=ARPrGgswYE&sig=YV0lNWWWR2nyPc4lwg7V4B-tRwo&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiZxMuXvMPMAhVR5WMKHcElCZcQ6AEINTAF#v=onepage&q=%22Russia%20Iran%20Disco%20Suck%22&f=false Russia Iran Disco Suck]'' for a summary of the popular mood in the late 1970s.</ref> | ||
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| + | The Mondale and Kennedy machines wanted to do away with portions of the McGovern-Fraser compromise that had frozen elected government office holders out of the nomination process<ref>[http://www.upi.com/Archives/1982/01/15/Democratic-party-rule-makers-recommended.-today-that-delegates-to/3774379918800/ Democratic party rule makers], ARNOLD SAWISLAK, UPI, Jan. 15, 1982.</ref> and paved the way for an "insurgent candidate". The new rules the Democratic National Committee (DNC) adopted didn't just allow or encourage incumbents to return, it guaranteed elected officials seats outside the regular delegate selection process. The Kennedy faction wanted to cut the number of the roughly 800 reserved seats in half<ref>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1982/01/17/democrats-and-unintended-consequences/d4741a07-05a2-47b1-bd33-b04458338005/ Democrats and Unintended Consequences], By David S. Broder, ''[[Washington Post]]'', January 17, 1982. </ref>. [[Susan Estrich]], who was to manage Michael Dukakis' 1988 presidential campaign<ref>Estrich and Dukakis are ranking members in the Massachusetts Kennedy machine which tried to resurrect the 1960 alliance and victory with Texas Democrats on the Dukakis/Bentsen ticket.</ref> strenuously objected to the plan, and derisively coined the term "super-delegate", whom she claimed would disproportionately be white males based upon the formula<ref>[https://www.hks.harvard.edu/news-events/news/news-archive/history-of-superdelegates A History of 'Super-Delegates' in the Democratic Party], Elaine Kamarck, Harvard Kennedy School of Government, 2016.</ref>. Nevertheless, the idea became rule, and from its initial inception has only been expanded upon since<ref>Democratic party convention rule changes, academic.regis.edu , above.</ref>. The "Old Democrats" had retaken power with a vengeance. | ||
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| + | The Hunt Commission (also known as the "counter-reform movement") scrapped the proportional allocation rules from the 1970s in favor of winner-take-all rules. Prior to proportional representation there was the “unit rule”, a delegation had to vote as a unit, now known as “winner-take-all”. McGovern-Fraser scraped the unit rule for affirmative action, or “proportional allocation”. Today’s supposed “unpledged” Superdelegates function as the local bosses whose cronies, that is, “pledged delegates”, earned their status working to elect Superdelegates to public office in previous elections. Together they function as a unit wherein the boss’s favorite carries the majority of delegates from a state. | ||
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| + | The winner-take-all ultimately had the unintended affect in 1984 of allowing Gary Hart, a challenger for whom the rules were not written, to rack up big delegate wins in late primary states<ref>Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Chapter 1 [http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/press/books/1/1/reformingthepresidentialnominationprocess/reformingthepresidentialnominationprocess_chapter.pdf Choosing Presidential Candidates], Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, eds., Brookings Institute, 2009, pp. 4-8. www.brookings.edu . An excellent and timely synopsis.</ref>. | ||
| + | |||
| + | When Sen. Kennedy decided not to run in 1984, two insurgent candidates appeared, McGovern's 1972 "New Democrat" campaign manager Sen. Gary Hart, and Jesse Jackson who was to be the first African-American to win states in a major party primary election for president. Susan Estrich's words were prophetic: the good old white boy network including Hart shot him down.<ref>DISPARITY BETWEEN JACKSON'S VOTE AND DELEGATE COUNT VEXES PARTY, by DAVID E. ROSENBAUM, ''New York Times'', May 20, 1984, below. Serious Black contenders just had to wait their turn a few more decades.</ref>. The rules were written for a two-way contest between establishment insiders, not the three-way slugfest between baby boomers, blacks, and the party Old Guard it came to be. | ||
| + | |||
| + | ==References== | ||
| + | {{reflist}} | ||
[[category:Democratic Party]] | [[category:Democratic Party]] | ||
| + | [[Category:Totalitarianism]] | ||
Revision as of 02:44, May 13, 2016
A superdelegate to the Democratic national convention is a common term used to refer to a delegate to the convention by virtue of holding office or being selected by the party rather than being elected as part of the primary system. Superdelegates are not pledged to any one candidate and are free to vote for any candidate.
One fifth of the delegates to the Democratic national convention are superdelegates, giving them power to change the outcome in a close race for the presidential nomination.
The Democrats adopted this system of superdelegates to avert another fiasco like that experienced in 1972, when the purely democratic nomination process produced an unelectable candidate for president, George McGovern.
Hunt Commission
After Ted Kennedy's challenge and President Carter's loss, Democrats met again for the fourth time in twelve years to re-write nominating and convention procedures[1]. Anticipating a two-way contest in 1984 between Sen. Kennedy and former Vice President Mondale[2], the original point of contention was over bound delegates which Sen. Kennedy wanted to loosen, while the Mondale machine wanted a candidate to be able to go so far as to replace a "disloyal delegate"[3].
The Mondale machine, supported by Chairman Jim Hunt and labor leaders, more importantly wanted to do something about outsiders and New Left “extremists” they felt had taken over the party. Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden are interesting case studies; by 1980 Fonda was calling herself a "small 'd' democrat"[4] advocating “industrial policy” and “economic democracy” while Hayden was entering the ranks of the “establishment” electoral process through the California Democratic machine. Fonda’s terminology remarkably resembles views espoused by Bernie Sanders[5] who also began a career in electoral politics outside the Establishment Democratic Party in the early 1980s. Fonda and Hayden became involved in the ‘save the whales’ and Greenpeace movement. By 1979 after the U.S. withdrawl from South Vietnam, the Cambodian genocide in which 2 million persons were murdered was well under way, and a popular reaction against the “anti-establishment”[6] New Left peace movement of the 1960s took hold in the United States. Bumper stickers with slogans such as “nuke the whales” became fashionable.[7]
The Mondale and Kennedy machines wanted to do away with portions of the McGovern-Fraser compromise that had frozen elected government office holders out of the nomination process[8] and paved the way for an "insurgent candidate". The new rules the Democratic National Committee (DNC) adopted didn't just allow or encourage incumbents to return, it guaranteed elected officials seats outside the regular delegate selection process. The Kennedy faction wanted to cut the number of the roughly 800 reserved seats in half[9]. Susan Estrich, who was to manage Michael Dukakis' 1988 presidential campaign[10] strenuously objected to the plan, and derisively coined the term "super-delegate", whom she claimed would disproportionately be white males based upon the formula[11]. Nevertheless, the idea became rule, and from its initial inception has only been expanded upon since[12]. The "Old Democrats" had retaken power with a vengeance.
The Hunt Commission (also known as the "counter-reform movement") scrapped the proportional allocation rules from the 1970s in favor of winner-take-all rules. Prior to proportional representation there was the “unit rule”, a delegation had to vote as a unit, now known as “winner-take-all”. McGovern-Fraser scraped the unit rule for affirmative action, or “proportional allocation”. Today’s supposed “unpledged” Superdelegates function as the local bosses whose cronies, that is, “pledged delegates”, earned their status working to elect Superdelegates to public office in previous elections. Together they function as a unit wherein the boss’s favorite carries the majority of delegates from a state.
The winner-take-all ultimately had the unintended affect in 1984 of allowing Gary Hart, a challenger for whom the rules were not written, to rack up big delegate wins in late primary states[13].
When Sen. Kennedy decided not to run in 1984, two insurgent candidates appeared, McGovern's 1972 "New Democrat" campaign manager Sen. Gary Hart, and Jesse Jackson who was to be the first African-American to win states in a major party primary election for president. Susan Estrich's words were prophetic: the good old white boy network including Hart shot him down.[14]. The rules were written for a two-way contest between establishment insiders, not the three-way slugfest between baby boomers, blacks, and the party Old Guard it came to be.
References
- ↑ See Broder, below.
- ↑ Bad blood existed between the Humphrey-Mondale and Kennedy machines going back to Template:Wpl. Humphrey later wrote of the Kennedy machine, "underneath the beautiful exterior there was an element of ruthlessness and toughness I had trouble either accepting or forgetting."
- ↑ Democratic party convention rule changes. academic.regis.edu . Delegates must march in lockstep.
- ↑ JANE FONDA OF THE 80'S MELLOWER BUT STILL AN ACTIVIST, By MICHIKO KAKUTANI, New York Times, March 30, 1981.
- ↑ Economic Democracy, go.berniesanders.com
- ↑ Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, p.7, below. www.brookings.edu
- ↑ See also Russia Iran Disco Suck for a summary of the popular mood in the late 1970s.
- ↑ Democratic party rule makers, ARNOLD SAWISLAK, UPI, Jan. 15, 1982.
- ↑ Democrats and Unintended Consequences, By David S. Broder, Washington Post, January 17, 1982.
- ↑ Estrich and Dukakis are ranking members in the Massachusetts Kennedy machine which tried to resurrect the 1960 alliance and victory with Texas Democrats on the Dukakis/Bentsen ticket.
- ↑ A History of 'Super-Delegates' in the Democratic Party, Elaine Kamarck, Harvard Kennedy School of Government, 2016.
- ↑ Democratic party convention rule changes, academic.regis.edu , above.
- ↑ Reforming the Presidential Nomination Process, Chapter 1 Choosing Presidential Candidates, Steven S. Smith & Melanie J. Springer, eds., Brookings Institute, 2009, pp. 4-8. www.brookings.edu . An excellent and timely synopsis.
- ↑ DISPARITY BETWEEN JACKSON'S VOTE AND DELEGATE COUNT VEXES PARTY, by DAVID E. ROSENBAUM, New York Times, May 20, 1984, below. Serious Black contenders just had to wait their turn a few more decades.