Conservapedia - User contributions [en]

Template talk:MVCalc

2010-02-28T18:21:49Z

CameronT: /* A suggestion */ reply

== A suggestion ==
Adding a category to this template would help because all the Calc3 lectures are "[[Special:UncategorizedPages|uncategorized pages]]". --[[User:CameronT|CameronT]] 18:02, 26 February 2010 (EST)
:Good thinking. [[User:JacobB|JacobB]] 18:18, 26 February 2010 (EST)
::Hmm, I copied most of this design from [[Template:Relativity]], but it doesn't include a category. Any tips? [[User:JacobB|JacobB]] 18:20, 26 February 2010 (EST)
:::I think the format is like this: <nowiki><includeonly>[[Category:Calculus]]</includeonly></nowiki>. --[[User:CameronT|CameronT]] 13:21, 28 February 2010 (EST)

==Game Plan==

Alright, it may not seem it, but we're not too far from completion. This is a place where I'm going to put the tasks that need to be done, and when somebody completes them, strike them out <s>like this.</s> I'm not too concerned about course re-ogranization at this point: once all these tasks below have been completed, we can talk about moving completed sections around.

===[[Calc3.1|Lecture 1]]===
*Expand single variable review

===[[Calc3.2|Lecture 2]]===
*Add exercises about Jacobians

===[[Calc3.3|Lecture 3]]===
*Add review problems
*Add at least one '''main problem''' on each of: double integral, triple integral (ideally in polar coordinates), find a gradient, recognize a parametric surface from its descriptions, find the laplacian of a function given in spherical coordinates, langrange multiplier problem
*Challenging problems: jacobian transforms, i don't know, some other challenging probs

''more to come''

User:CameronT

2010-02-26T23:37:12Z

CameronT: some quotes that I like.

"The backwards '''asp''' bites '''33 w'''hales"

Not much to say. Just here for the spelling errors. It helps calm me down.

"Caroline keeps the string close to her heart, no matter how thin it had become"

Rexford Guy Tugwell

2010-02-26T23:32:31Z

CameronT: spelling: "government", "common", "referred"

'''Rexford Guy Tugwell''' was the most influential ideologue of [[economic planning]] in the administration of President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] and the [[New Deal]]. He was a leading liberal proponent of the [[welfare state]], but held only minor jobs.

==Background==

Tugwell came from a New York State farm, went from high school to the Wharton School of Business and then began as a teacher at the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Washington and finally Columbia. [[Raymond Moley]], who knew him at Columbia, drafted him for Roosevelt's [[Brain Trust]] in 1932 and when Roosevelt was inaugurated Tugwell was made Assistant Secretary of Agriculture under [[Henry Wallace]].

Tugwell wrote:

{{Cquote| Planning will become a function of the federal government; either that or the planning agency will supersede the government, which is why, of course, such a scheme will be assimilated to the State.}}

Tugwell drew much inspiration from [[Thorstein Veblen]].

==Banking crisis of 1933==
President [[Herbert Hoover]] tried to coordinate national policy with FDR to deal with the banking crisis during the long interregnum between the November election and the March 4 inauguration, but Roosevelt refused to cooperate. Tugwell communicated a message which said President Roosevelt was "fully aware of the bank situation and that it would undoubtedly collapse in a few days." [[Ray Moley]] explained years later Roosevelt refused to cooperate because "he preferred to have conditions deteriorate and gain for himself the entire credit for the rescue operation." <ref>Herbert Hoover, ''The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover: The Great Depression 1929-1941'', The MacMillan Company, New York 1952, pp. 214-215.</ref>

==Economic planning and the New Deal==

The theory of economic planning envisions government bureaus and planning boards mandating what goods will be produced, in what quantities, who the producers shall be, prices of pre-finished and finished goods, wage levels and compensation of workers, regulations, conditions, etc Cartels, such as were established in Germany under the [[Third Reich]], would unite with foreign counterparts that would regulate the international flow of goods. The central planning agency would control the banks and the flow of all investment, deciding who will benefit and at what price. It is essentially a centralized command and control economy, or [[totalitarian]] regime, such as was common throughout the world in the 1930s. James Burhnam referred to this as the ''Managerial Society'', or rule by the 'experts' and technicians.

It was at this point in time that terms in the basic political lexicon of America were transformed -partly due to Tugwell's influence. The term 'liberal', which at one time was considered moderate and even mainstream, became a code word for '[[radical]]', and '[[socialism]]'. The idea's formerly associated with 'liberalism' became [[conservative]], [[libertarian]], or [[classical liberalism]].

Tugwell as "the most [[left-wing]] member of Roosevelt's brain trust" was "open in his respect for Mussolini's economic policies." Of the Fascist system he wrote, "It's the cleanest, neatnest [sic], most efficiently operating piece of social machinery I've ever seen. It makes me envious." <ref>Wolfgang Schivelbusch ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Z3GV5_n1h04C Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939]'' [Macmillan, 2006], pp. 31-32. ISBN 080507452X) </ref>

U.S. Ambassador to Italy Breckinridge Long wrote to Tugwell, “Your mind runs along these lines [corporativism]… It may have some bearing on the code work under N.R.A.”<ref>Long to Tugwell, May 16, 1934, [http://lccn.loc.gov/mm%2078030502 Breckinridge Long Papers], Box 111, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress)</ref> Tugwell, the “most prominent of the Brain Trusters and the man often considered the chief ideologist<ref>http://www.fff.org/freedom/0201e.asp </ref> of the ‘first New Deal’ (roughly, 1933–34),” said, “I find Italy doing many of the things which seem to me necessary…. [[Mussolini]] certainly has the same people opposed to him as FDR has. But he has the press controlled so that they cannot scream lies at him daily.”<ref>Jonah Goldberg, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=wHihWKJE3asC Liberal Fascism: the Secret History of the American Left, from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning] (Random House, Inc., 2008) ISBN 0385511841, p.156</ref>

==Crash of 1937==

As hopes for the Second New Deal faded with the onset of the [[Recession of 1937]], a book appeared in early 1938 entitled, ''An Economic Program for American Democracy'' which postulated, "The government must assume full responsibility for maintaining national income at a sufficiently high level to assure full utilization of our human and material resource...The notion that public spending can be safely resorted to as a temporary emergency device must be abandoned."

Tugwell and [[Leon Henderson]] claimed the first two incarnations of the New Deal failed because government intervention had been on a far too modest scale. Instead of spending three billion a year, for which Roosevelt was being criticized, Tugwell said FDR should have spent twelve billion a year. President Roosevelt was delighted with the advice.

Roosevelt told DNC Chairman [[Jim Farley]] on March 28, 1938 many [[WPA]] projects approved by the government were abandoned because the states and cities could not raise the money to support them. The one big spending program the federal government could fund was defense. FDR biographer John Flynn described the situation in the county, and the world, as Tugwell's and other [[Brain Trust]]ers ideas were adopted:
{{Cquote|The onset of [[fascist]] governments in Europe ...corresponded precisely with the schemes of the Tugwells and Hansens and [[Leon Henderson|Henderson]]s and [[Sidney Hillman|Hillman]]s and [[Henry Wallace|Wallace]]s and [[Harry Hopkins|Hopkins]]es which had now become the motif of the Third New Deal -not Communist, not fascist, but a common program on which for the moment Communists and fascists and various grades of pinks could unite under the great goal of the State Planned and Managed Capitalism for abundance....billions were flowing again, everything was going up wages, prices, sales and ''government debt''. But it didn't matter because now we had learned from the Harvard and Tufts economists that government debt is a mere nothing - something we "owe to ourselves." We were all off on a grand crusade to save the liberties and the "democracy" of Europe, now caught in the great final disaster which marked the climax of all those crazy ideas that had bred fascism and Communism in Europe and which were now being introduced into America...}}

==References==
{{reflist}}

[[Category:New Deal]]
[[category:Welfare State]]

Alan Grayson

2010-02-26T23:31:46Z

CameronT: spelling: "referred"

{{Officeholder
|name=Alan Grayson
|image=Grayson high res.jpg
|party=[[Democrat]]
|spouse=Lolita Grayson
|religion=Jewish
|offices=
{{Officeholder/representative
|state=Florida
|district=8th
|terms=January 3, 2009 – Present
|preceded=Ric Keller
|former=
|succeeded=
}}
}}

'''Alan Mark Grayson''' (born March 13, 1958 in [[Bronx]], [[New York]]) is a [[Democrat]]ic U.S. Representative from [[Florida]]'s 8th congressional district, having been elected by a 52%-48% margin in the 2008 election. Grayson spent a career as a lawyer, and was ranked the 12th-wealthiest member of [[Congress]]. <ref>http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2009/10/01/who-is-alan-grayson-anyway/</ref> He currently serves on the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on Science and Technology.

==Quotes==

Grayson has gained national prominence for controversial comments regarding [[conservative]] leaders.

*In his first month in office he referred to radio talk show host [[Rush Limbaugh]] as a "has-been loser."

*During a floor speech on [[health care]] Grayson stated that "Republicans want you to die quickly." <ref>http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0909/27726.html</ref> After calls to apologize, Grayson said that "I apologize to the dead and their families that we haven't voted sooner to end this [[holocaust]] in America." <ref>http://blogs.abcnews.com/thenote/2009/09/rep-grayson-doesnt-apologize-compares-health-care-shortcomings-to-holocaust/comments/page/2/</ref>

*In October 2009, Grayson called an adviser for [[Federal Reserve]]s Chairman [[Ben Bernanke]] a "K Street whore." <ref>http://www.cbsnews.com/blogs/2009/10/27/politics/politicalhotsheet/entry5425045.shtml</ref>

*In an interview on [[MSNBC]]'s Hardball, Grayson said that "I have trouble listening to what [Cheney] says sometimes because of the blood that drips from his teeth while he's talking, but my response is this: he's just angry because the president doesn't shoot old men in the face. But by the way, when he was done speaking, did he just then turn into a bat and fly away?" <ref>http://www.politico.com/blogs/scorecard/1009/Alan_Grayson_v_Chris_Matthews.html</ref> Later on an interview on the same program, he told former [[Vice President Cheney]] to STFU, an abbreviation for "shut the f-ck up." <ref>http://wdbo.com/localnews/2009/12/grayson-tells-cheney-to-stfu.html</ref>

*In December 2009 Grayson called for a conservative activist to be jailed for launching a website criticizing him. <ref>http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/12/22/grayson-wants-critic-jailed-claiming-constituent/</ref>

==External Links==
*[http://www.ontheissues.org/FL/Alan_Grayson.htm On the Issues]
*[http://www.mycongressmanisnuts.com/ My Congressman is Nuts]

== References ==
<references/>
{{DEFAULTSORT:Grayson, Alan}}
[[Category: 111th United States Congress]]
[[Category: United States Representatives]]
[[Category: Democratic Party]]

John Dewey

2010-02-26T23:29:33Z

CameronT: spelling: "referred"

'''John Dewey''' (1859-1952) was a major American philosopher and a leading [[liberal]] commentator on public affairs. After 1900 he became a leading exponent of [[pragmatism]] or as he called it, "[[instrumentalism]]".

* The philosopher who perfected pragmatism was John Dewey (1859-1952). Dewey advocated the theory of instrumentalism, saying that the intellect is something that works instrumentally toward future experiences, or a means for processing problems effectively. Contrary to James, who admitted religious truth, Dewey dealt only with everyday life, excluding any metaphysical thought. [http://www.tparents.org/Library/Unification/Books/Euth/Euth06-04.htm]

Dewey was especially influential as the philosopher of "progressive education." He sought the reconstruction of society through education in which children discovered knowledge for themselves rather than repeat rote learning. Dewey was one of the main intellectual forces behind American liberalism, 1900-1930, especially in his emphasis that the spirit of democracy has to be lived daily rather than be merely a procedural device for elections.

Although pragmatism faded in importance in American philosophy after 1930, it has seen a revival since the 1980s with the writings of [[Richard Rorty]], [[Hilary Putnam]], and others. Dewey was a very prolific writer, with dozens of books and 766 articles in 151 different periodicals. His style, however, tended toward vagueness.[[File:Dewey-time.jpg|thumb|290px|''Time'' June 4, 1928; [http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731843,00.html read the cover story]]]
==Career==
Born in Vermont to an old Yankee family, Dewey was brought up in a religious environment of pius Congregationalists. He attended the University of Vermont, taught school for three years, then attended the new graduate university, John Hopkins, receiving his PhD in 1884 with a a doctoral dissertation on a phase of Kant's psychology. At this stage Dewey was a strong Hegelian.

Dewey taught philosophy at the University of Michigan until 1894, when he was called to the University of Chicago, where President W. R. Harper was creating overnight one of the world's two or three greatest universities. Dewey headed the School of Education, and worked closely with philosophers and with the intellectuals based at [[Hull House]]. His now adopted the philosophy of [[pragmatism]] that had been developed by [[Charles Sanders Peirce]] and [[William James]]. By 1903 the "Chicago school" of Pragmatic Instrumentalism was in full swing, and the educational experiments initiated in Dewey's "laboratory school" were beginning to influence educational theory at leading universities. After fighting with Harper Dewey went to Columbia University in 1904, where he was based until his retirement in 1930. Worldwide recognition was seen in his invitations to consult on educational policy with emerging nations, notably China, Japan, Turkey, Mexico, and the Soviet Union.

===Anti-Communism===
Dewey played a major role in stopping Communist infiltration of the American intellectual community and in developing a liberal anti-Communist policy. He generally supported American foreign policy, including both World Wars, and was a strong opponent of both the Soviets and the Nazis. His argument that true liberals have to reject cooperation with Communists became the dominant liberal position in the late 1930s.

Dewey was a longtime supporter of labor unions and in 1932-33 played a key role in purging Communists from the teachers' union, arguing they were not truly dedicated to education. He rejected the Communist position that the purpose of the union is to join the "class war" in order to promote the "cause of workers against employers." Nevertheless the Communists took control of the union and in 1935 Dewey helped start the Teachers Guild, a new anti-Communist union for teachers in New York City. In 1935 the national union expelled the Communist local and made Dewey's Teachers Guild the official union.

Dewey chaired the 1937 “trial” of [[Leon Trotsky]], held in Mexico City during the [[Great purge]]. The trial absolved Trotsky of attempting to assassinate [[Joseph Stalin]] and incite war against the Soviet Union.<ref>Isaac Deutscher, The Great Purges, edited by Tamara Deutscher (Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1984), p. 7.</ref> Overall, the hearings constituted a decisive moment in American liberalism, which had previously been uncritical in its praise of Soviet Communism. By the time of the trial. Dewey and many American liberals began to examine the Russian Revolution more closely and became convinced of its corruption.<ref> Jay Martin, "John Dewey and the Trial of Leon Trotsky," ''Partisan Review'' 2001 68(4): 519-535. 0031-2525 </ref> At no time in his career was Dewey a [[Marxist]]; indeed he was a sharp, hostile critic of Marx.

==Democracy==
Dewey was perhaps the foremost theorist of democracy since the days of Thomas Jefferson. Dewey's emphasis on grass roots participation rather than elite rule has been adopted by conservatives.

In the 1920s Dewey engaged in a major debate with journalist [[Walter Lippmann]] (1889-1974) on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

In his writings from the 1920s and 1930s, Dewey placed his concept of participatory democracy in opposition to both classical liberalism and the technocratic elitism of Lippmann. Whereas classical liberalism saw in democracy the means for reconciling individual interests, Dewey upheld democracy precisely because the communication that it fostered enabled the individual to identify and understand his interests within a moral framework. In practice, however, Dewey found in the individualist assumptions behind classical liberalism the strongest arguments against leaving policy decisions in the hands of Lippmann's "responsible administrator."<ref> Matthew Festenstein, "The Ties of Communication: Dewey on Ideal and Political Democracy," ''History of Political Thought'' 1997 18(1): 104-124. 0143-781x </ref>

Dewey feared that the growth of specialization would cause the fragmentation of both knowledge and the intellectual community. Dewey opposed leadership by social scientists, believing they would alienate people and keep them from participating in the democratic process. Instead, he put his faith in the creation of an educated public, whose individualism would give way to common interests, resulting in a political environment within which social issues could be discussed, debated, and decided.

==Progressive Education==
Progressive education maintains that children should be the center of the educational universe, that children can be active learners who learn best by experience rather than by memorization, that a nurturing environment is essential to the educational process, and that women are ideally suited as teachers. Dewey did not believe students could learn well without teachers to help link their prior experience to the experience available in school.

By 1900 the reduction in average family size, new gender roles in middle-class families, and the softening of religious orthodoxy were the social context of Progressive education that led to a new appreciation of childhood. The writings of European educators [[Johann Pestalozzi]] and [[Friedrich Froebel]] drew readers who had bad experiences with traditional schools that valued discipline and memorization at the expense of individuality. Educational practitioners who claimed to follow the views of Pestalozzi and Froebel added their own variations and disagreed among themselves. Nevertheless, Dewey and the advocates of the new education shared and accomplished a new way of thinking about the child, the curriculum, and the purposes of schools.

The problem Dewey could not solve was that progressive educators like himself encountered all across America a highly bureaucratic system of school administration that in general was not receptive to new methods. The failure of Dewey's ideas to transform schools can be attributed to his assumption that schools exist to promote the maximum learning by students; more often they produce what parents and administrators really want: happy kids who do not cause trouble.<ref> William J. Reese, "The Origins of Progressive Education," ''History of Education Quarterly'' 2001 41(1): 1-24. 0018-2680; Diane Ravitch, ''Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms'' (2000), p. 169; David Tyack, ''The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education'' (1974) p. 197-98.</ref>

===Favors local control of schools===
Invited in 1924 by the new republican government in Turkey to draw up a report on the country's educational system, Dewey warned about the dangers of centralization and the removal of local control. The Turkish "Law of Unification of Instruction", however, precluded the implementation of his recommendations, mandating instead the use of education to enforce the ideology of the new state and creating a Ministry of Education which was a centralized bureaucracy rather than merely an intellectual guide in the way that Dewey envisaged.<ref> Selahattin Turan, "John Dewey's Report of 1924 and His Recommendations on the Turkish Educational System Revisited," ''History Of Education'' 2000 29(6): 543-555. </ref>

==Impact on China ==
Just before the [[May Fourth movement]] of 1919, Dewey was invited to China by members of China's new intellectual circles. In the following two years, Dewey toured and lectured in many cities in China and systematically propagated pragmatism. Pragmatism caught on wildly, prevailing throughout intellectual and educational circles. At the same time, because his theories fitted in with the needs of the May Fourth movement's ideological emancipation and China's economic development and educational reform, Dewey became the focus of the media and a favorite foreign thinker and educator in intellectual circles in China. Many scholars absorbed pragmatism's positivist spirit and developed Chinese modern positivist philosophy and historical studies. In the meantime, Dewey's educational theory also became the soul of the new educational system of China through its influence on the key links in the reforms and on the standards and curricula of the new educational system. Pragmatism was replaced by Marxism after 1949, but Dewey's reputation has been revived since the fall of Mao.

==Dewey and religion==
Dewey mostly avoided religious topics. Important exceptions include his 1892 address "Christianity and Democracy" given to the University of Michigan Students' Christian Association and his 1933 Terry Lectures at Yale University—the basis of his 1934 book ''A Common Faith''. In ''A Common Faith'' Dewey attempted to somehow separate the experience of the "religious" from the supernatural aspects of "God" and "religion".<ref> [http://books.google.com/books?id=lIGBQMkw-v8C ''Reinhold Niebuhr and John Dewey: An American Odyssey''], Daniel F. Rice, 1993, State University of New York Press, ISBN 0-7914-1345-4, pages 43-58 (these pages are Chapter 5 titled "A Common Faith") </ref> According to the scholar Steven C. Rockefeller, Dewey was an American [[Feuerbach]] and keenly interested in gutting what he saw as Christianity's "false" and "harmful" supernatural characteristics. Both Dewey and Feuerbach believed that they possessed a deep philosophical understanding of Christianity. Their shared belief rejected the [[Incarnation]] and all other biblical miracles.<ref> [http://books.google.com/books?id=LOc6q5lmEj8C ''John Dewey: Religious Faith and Democratic Humanism''], Steven C. Rockefeller, Columbia University Press, 1991, ISBN 0231073488, ISBN 9780231073486, 683 pages
*<small> Choice v. 29 (March 1992) p. 1094 Title: John Dewey
"The way in which Rockefeller (Middlebury College) has presented the generally accepted two periods of Dewey's development (childhood through the Michigan years and from Chicago on) enables him to show the continuous role of religion in Dewey's life and thought as his thought evolved. What emerges is not only a broadened perspective on Dewey's naturalism, but the best intellectual biography of Dewey that we have. . . . The book fills a need that George Dykhuizen's The Life and Mind of John Dewey {BRD 1973} did not, despite all that work's value as a factual resource."</small>
*Library Journal v. 116 (March 1 1991) p. 91
<small>"Rockefeller shows how Dewey's evolving thought was closely related to the events and experiences in his life, and he interweaves both throughout the narrative, rather than considering them separately--a very effective strategy. . . . Aside from its value as a major study of Dewey's life and thought, this work has great value in showing how contemporary sensibilities which are persuaded by the natural-scientific worldview can, at the same time, maintain a religious orientation."</small> </ref> Dewey viewed conservative Christianity (i.e., protestant [[fundamentalism]] and mainline [[Catholicism]]) as a dark, evil lair harboring political enemies if not intellectual rivals of his own philosophy and its emphasis on "intelligence" as well as "religious" feelings. This can be seen in part in a 1924 essay titled "Fundamentals" written for the ''New Republic''<ref>''John Dewey: Religious Faith and Democratic Humanism'', Steven C. Rockefeller, p.442 </ref>
{{cquote|Those traditionalists and literalists who have arrogated to themselves the title of fundamentalists recognize of course no mean between their dogmas and blank, dark, hopeless uncertainty and unsettlement. Until they have been reborn into the life of intelligence, they will not be aware that there are a steadily increasing number of persons who find security in ''methods'' of inquiry, of observation, experiment, of forming and following working hypotheses.}} Dewey was surprised by the strong sway that [[neo-orthodoxy|neo-orthodox]] figures like [[Reinhold Niebuhr]] were coming to hold over the [[liberal]] academy—his 1934 ''A Common Faith'' was a reaction towards, what was to him and other religious/secular humanists, a still very unacceptable and even repulsive form of Christianity. For not only did Niebuhr never deny, but he sometimes upheld biblical supernaturalism.

==Criticism==
Dewey has been referred to as a "totalitarian socialist who envisioned total government control over all education through the agency of public schools." Dewey’s book, Democracy and Education, was listed by ''[[Human Events]]'' magazine as fifth in a list of the ten most harmful books of the 19th and 20th centuries behind the ''[[Communist Manifesto]]'' by [[Karl Marx]], ''[[Mein Kampf]]'' by [[Adolf Hitler]], ''Quotations from Chairman Mao'' by [[Mao Zedong]], and the ''Kinsey Report'' by [[Alfred Kinsey]]. <ref>http://www.newmediajournal.us/staff/porter/2009/09102009.htm</ref>

==Quotes==

*"education is all one with growing; it has no end beyond itself,"
*"education consists primarily of transmission through communication,"
*"education is a constant reorganizing or reconstructing of experience."

==Further reading==
* Anderson, Elizabeth. "Dewey's Moral Philosophy" ''Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy'' (2009) [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/dewey-moral/ online]
* Caspary, William R. ''Dewey on Democracy'' (2000) [http://www.questiaschool.com/read/108990927?title=Dewey%20on%20Democracy online edition]
* Cuffaro, Harriet K. ''Experimenting with the World: John Dewey and the Early Childhood Classroom.'' (1995). 123 pp.
* Dykhuizen, George. ''The Life and Mind of John Dewey.'' (1973). 429 pp., good biography [http://www.questiaschool.com/read/33424285?title=The%20Life%20and%20Mind%20of%20John%20Dewey online edition]
* Feffer, Andrew. ''The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism.'' (1993). 279 pp. schoalrly study of Dewey and George Herbert Mead
* Festenstein, Matthew. "Dewey's Political Philosophy" ''Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy'' (2009) [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/dewey-political online]
* Fott, David. ''John Dewey: America's Philosopher of Democracy.'' (1998). 167 pp.
* Hoy, Terry. ''The Political Philosophy of John Dewey: Towards a Constructive Renewal'' (1998) [http://www.questiaschool.com/read/30559291?title=The%20Political%20Philosophy%20of%20John%20Dewey%3a%20Towards%20a%20Constructive%20Renewal online edition]
* Kloppenberg, James T. "Pragmatism: An Old Name for Some New Ways of Thinking?" ''Journal of American History'' 1996 83(1): 100-138. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2945476 in JSTOR]
* Leddy, Tom. "Dewey's Aesthetics" ''Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy'' (2009) [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/dewey-aesthetics/ online]
* Martin, Jay. ''The Education of John Dewey: A Biography'' (2002) [http://www.questiaschool.com/read/113357825?title=The%20Education%20of%20John%20Dewey%3a%20%20A%20Biography online edition]
* Murphy, John P. ''Pragmatism: From Peirce to Davidson'' (1990) [http://www.questiaschool.com/read/59431778?title=Pragmatism%3a%20From%20Peirce%20to%20Davidson online edition]
* Rockefeller, Steven C. ''John Dewey: Religious Faith and Democratic Humanism.'' (1991). 683 pp.
* Ryan, Alan. ''John Dewey and the High Tide of American Liberalism.'' (1995). 395 pp.; a major scholarly interpretation
** Alter, Stephen G. "The Pitfalls Of Comparative Context: Deweyan Democracy in Transatlantic Perspective". ''Reviews in American History'' 1997 25(1): 89-94. 0048-7511; review essay on Ryan (1995); [http://www.jstor.org/stable/30030750 online at JSTOR]
* Welchman, Jennifer. ''Dewey's Ethical Thought.'' (1995). 229 pp.
* Westbrook, Robert B. ''John Dewey and American Democracy'' (1991), the standard scholarly biography
* [http://www.questia.com/library/john-dewey.jsp online books by and about Dewey]
===Primary sources===
* Dewey, John. ''The Collected Works of John Dewey'' (37 vol. 1961-1991). ''The Early Works: 1892-1898'' (5 volumes); ''The Middle Works: 1899-1924'' (15 volumes); ''The Later Works: 1925-1953'' (17 volumes); [http://www.siu.edu/~siupress/deweycollection.htm contents]
[[File:Dewey-works.jpg|thumb|left|580px]]

===Selected books by Dewey===
* Dewey, John. '' Outlines of a Critical Theory of Ethics‎'' (1891) [http://books.google.com/books?id=dDwSArwOof4C&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''The School and Society'' (1899, 1915). [http://books.google.com/books?id=GWYWAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''How We Think'' (1910, 1933)
* Dewey, John. '' The influence of Darwin on philosophy: and other essays in contemporary thought‎'' (1910) [http://books.google.com/books?id=XJYYAAAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''Democracy and education: an introduction to the philosophy of education‎'' (1916) [http://books.google.com/books?id=8P0AAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=0&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''Reconstruction in Philosophy'' (1920) [http://books.google.com/books?id=ZUg8AAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. '' Letters from China and Japan‎'' (1920) [http://books.google.com/books?id=WwoqJ-MdZoUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''Human Nature and Conduct'' (1922) [http://books.google.com/books?id=1SwWAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:john+inauthor:dewey&lr=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&num=30&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES full text online]
* Dewey, John. ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)
* Dewey, John. ''Experience and Nature'' (1925, 1929)
* Dewey, John. ''The Quest for Certainty'' (1929)
* Dewey, John. ''A Common Faith'' (1934)
* Dewey, John. ''Art as Experience'' (1935)
* Dewey, John. ''Experience and Education'' (1938)
* Dewey, John. ''Logic, The Theory of Inquiry'' (1938).
* Dewey, John. [http://books.google.com/books?as_q=&num=30&btnG=Google+Search&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&as_brr=1&as_pt=ALLTYPES&lr=&as_vt=&as_auth=john+dewey&as_pub=&as_sub=&as_drrb_is=b&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=1923&as_isbn=&as_issn= full text of books online]

==See also==
*[[William A. Wirt]]

==References==
{{reflist}}

[[category:philosophers|Dewey, John]]
[[category:Progressive Era]]
{{DEFAULTSORT:Dewey, John}}
[[Category:1920s]]
[[Category:New Deal]]

New Deal

2010-02-26T23:28:46Z

CameronT: spelling: "retrieved ", "finance", "withholding", "employment", "referred", "structural", "Security", "throughout", and many others

The '''New Deal''' was the name coined by President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]], a [[Democratic Party|Democrat]], for otherwise disjointed programs he conducted throughout the [[Great Depression]], especially from 1933-36. His program had three aspects: Relief, Recovery and Reform. It sought to provide immediate Relief for the millions of unemployed in the [[Great Depression]]. It was intended to promote Recovery of the economy to normal standards--a goal he did not fully achieve. It involved a series of Reforms, especially in the financial system and labor relations. The basic issue was how to deal with the severely damaged economy --and great social misery--caused by three years of the [[Great Depression]]. Conservatives endorsed parts of the '''First New Deal''' (the 1933 programs) and rejected the more radical '''Second New Deal''' (the 1934-35 programs).

The New Deal was popular among voters leading to the formation of the [[New Deal Coalition]], which made the Democrats the majority party during the [[Fifth Party System]] into the 1960s. However a [[Conservative Coalition]] took control of Congress in 1937 and blocked nearly all additional programs; during the war years (1941-45) the conservatives successfully rolled back many of the relief efforts on the grounds they were no longer needed since full employment was achieved. The "reforms" that regulated the economy were mostly dropped in the deregulation era (1974-87), except for oversight of Wall Street buy the [[SEC]], which conservatives approved because it increased investor confidence.

The [[New Deal Coalition]] dominated national politics until it split apart in the 1960s. Ever since it has been the holy grail of liberals seeking to restore their former glory.

Although the New Deal did not fully solve the economic catastrophe that was on the verge of destroying the US economy in early 1933, it achieved many of its objectives and the period of 1933-37 saw some sectors return to economic growth.

==Broker State==
The New Deal created the "Broker State", where different interest groups compete in the national market. The government became a mediator between those interest groups, giving power to those who has enough political and economic power to demand it. One of the limitations of this Broker States was that minority groups were often ignored since they did not have political power.

==Economic planning==
As the Depression set in, terms like “[[planned economy]]” and “national planning” became the watchwords of the day. <ref>[http://www.independent.org/publications/article.asp?id=1468 ''FDR: The Man, the Leader, the Legacy''], Ralph Raico, Future of Freedom Foundation, April 1, 2001. Retrieved from The Independent Institute.org 06/17/07.</ref> They had been used by theoriticians for years and popularized by best-selling writers like George Soule and Stuart Chase, who lauded the Soviet Gosplan (central planning), asking plaintively, “Why should the Russians have all the fun of remaking a world?” One prominent [[Brain Trust]]ers was [[Rexford Guy Tugwell]]. Tugwell was a follower of the school of thought known as "Institutional Economics". His official position was assistant secretary of agriculture, that is, second in command to [[Henry A. Wallace]], but his influence extended far beyond that. Tugwell had traveled to the Soviet Union in 1927 and observed through scientific economic planning the Soviets were able to “carry out their industrial operations with a completely thought-out program.” “The future,” he announced, “is becoming visible in Russia.” Tugwell scorned the [[free market]] as anarchical, an uncoordinated muddle of hopelessly conflicting aims and purposes. It would have to be replaced by national planning, or technocracy, another shibboleth of the day, implying rule by the technical experts and managers, <ref>James Burnham, ''The Managerial Revolution'', (1966).</ref> like himself.

==First and Second New Deals==

Historians distinguish between the "First New Deal" of 1933, which had something for almost every group, and the "Second New Deal" (1935–36), which introduced class conflict, especially between business and labor unions. The First New Deal (1933-34) included many "alphabet agencies", notably ([[AAA]], [[CCC]], [[FERA]], CWA, [[FHA]]<ref>see [http://www.fha.com/fha_loans.cfm Federal Housing Administration]</ref>, [[FDIC]]<Ref> See [http://www.fdic.gov/ FDIC - Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]</ref>, [[NRA]], [[PWA]], [[TVA]], [[SEC]]<ref>See [http://www.sec.gov/about/whatwedo.shtml SEC - U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission]</ref>.

The Second New Deal, started in 1934-35 included the [[WPA]], a giant relief agency, and Social Security<ref> See [http://www.ssa.gov/history/history.html SSA - Social Security History]</ref>, as well as the [[NLRA]] or "Wagner Act" that promoted rapid growth of labor unions. The opponents of the New Deal, complaining of the cost and the shift of power to Washington, stopped its expansion by 1937, and abolished many of its programs by 1943. The Supreme Court ruled several programs unconstitutional (some parts of them were soon replaced, except for the NRA). The main New Deal programs still in existence today are Social Security the [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] (FDIC) and the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] (SEC) which regulates Wall Street.<ref> Other major programs that still exist under their original names include the, the [[Federal Housing Administration]] (FHA)[http://www.fha.com/fha_loans.cfm Federal Housing Administration]and the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]] (TVA)[http://www.tva.gov/abouttva/history.htm TVA]</ref>.

==Foreign policy==

see [[World Economic Conference of 1933]]

In foreign policy the New Deal pursued isolationism, set in motion by Roosevelt's "bombshell message" to the [[World Economic Conference of 1933]] which ended efforts to stabilize international exchange rates. Roosevelt--acting against the advice of his top aides--feared that cooperation with major nations would limit his abilities to manipulate the money supply and end the [[deflation]] that was a crippling element of the depression. The major nations were appalled. Nazi Germany, which promoted autarchy, rejoiced for it gained a free hand to expand its economic power across the globe. A series of Neutrality Laws (see [[Neutrality Act]]) were passed that prohibited American business from selling munitions to nations at war.

There was a peculiar affinity between the New Deal and the European dictatorships that on occasion extended even to [[fascism]] and [[national socialism]] Early on, FDR referred to [[Benito Mussolini]] as “the admirable Italian gentlemen,” stating to his ambassador in Rome, “I am much interested and deeply impressed by what he has accomplished." Mussolini, in turn, was flattered by what he saw as the New Deal’s copying of his own corporate state, in the [[National Recovery Act]] (NRA) and other early measures. Even [[Hitler]] had kind words at first for Roosevelt’s “dynamic” leadership, stating that “I have sympathy with President Roosevelt because he marches straight to his objective over Congress, over lobbies, over stubborn bureaucracies.”

What linked the New Deal to the regimes in Italy and Germany, as well as in Soviet Russia, was their fellowship in the wave of [[collectivism]] that was sweeping the world. In an essay published in 1933, [[John Maynard Keynes]] observed this trend, and expressed his sympathy with the “variety of politico-economic experiments” under way in the continental dictatorships as well as in the United States. All of them, he gloated, were turning their backs on the old, discredited [[laissez-faire]] and embracing national planning in one form or another.

The New Deal was a kinder, gentler form of the collectivism. In all of the national planning schemes, government gained power at the expense of the people, with the leaders seeking to impose a philosophy of life that subordinated the individual to the needs of the community—as defined by the state.

Roosevelt and the State Department promoted a "Good Neighbor" policy toward Latin America, which meant that the U.S. would no longer try to prevent or overthrow dictatorships or governments ruinous to the people. An immediate result was the takeover of [[Cuba]] by a military dictatorship.

Finally realizing the dangers posed by the Nazis, Roosevelt reversed course in 1938 and sought to repeal the neutrality laws. However not all the New Dealers went along with FDR; many remained isolationist.

==Relief, Recovery, and Reform==

The New Deal had three components: direct relief, economic recovery, and financial reform; these were also called the 'Three Rs'.

''Relief'' was the immediate effort to help the one-third of the population that was hardest hit by the depression. Roosevelt expanded Hoover's [[Federal Emergency Relief Administration]] (FERA) work relief program, and added the [[Civilian Conservation Corps]] (CCC), [[Public Works Administration]] (PWA), and (starting in 1935) the [[Works Progress Administration]] (WPA). In 1935 the social security and unemployment insurance programs were added. Separate programs were set up for relief in rural America, such as the [[Resettlement Administration]] (RA) and [[Farm Security Administration]] (FSA). These work relief programs have been praised by most economists in retrospect.<ref> Parker 2002</ref>[[Milton Friedman]] who after taking a graduate degree in economics was employed by the WPA to analyze family budgets and studied the hardships of families said that, at the time, he and his wife "regarded [these job-creation programs] appropriate responses to the critical situation" but not "the price- and wage-fixing measures of the National Recovery Administration and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration."<ref>Friedman, ''Two Lucky People'' (1998) p. 59.</ref>

''Recovery'' was the effort in numerous programs to restore the economy to normal health. By most economic indicators this was achieved by 1937--except for unemployment, which remained stubbornly high until World War II began.

''Reform'' was based on the assumption that the depression was caused by the inherent instability of the market and that government intervention was necessary to rationalize and stabilize the economy, and to balance the interests of farmers, business and labor. It included the [[National Recovery Administration]] (NRA, 1933) (which ended in 1935), regulation of Wall Street ([[SEC]], 1934), the [[Agricultural Adjustment Act]] (AAA) farm programs (1933 and 1938), insurance of bank deposits ([[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] 1933) and the [[Wagner Act]] (1935)encouraging workers to organize into labor unions. Despite urgings by some New Dealers, there was no major anti-trust program. Roosevelt rejected the opportunity to take over banks and railroads. He did not support state ownership of factories, and only one major program, the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]] (1933), involved government ownership of the means of production.

The National Recovery Act (NRA) and the [[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]] (AAA) were plans to take the whole industrial and agricultural life of the country under the wing of the government, organize it into vast farm and [[industrial cartel]]s, as they were called in Germany, [[corporative]]s as they were called in Italy, and operate business and the farms under plans made and carried out under the supervision of government. This is the complete negation of [[classical liberalism]]. It is, in fact, the essence of [[fascism]]. Fascism goes one step further and insists this cannot be done by a [[democracy|democratic]] government; that it can be done successfully only under a [[totalitarian]] regime. At the time fascism was not defined as [[anti-Semitism]]. It was a word used to describe the political system of Italian Premier [[Benito Mussolini]]. Roosevelt adopted the Italian model merely because at the moment it seemed politically expedient.

By 1934, the Supreme Court began declaring significant parts of the New Deal unconstitutional. The programs were quickly fixed to pass muster, but in 1937 Roosevelt stunned the nation by a surprise proposal to pack the Supreme Court by adding five new justices. The proposal failed and Roosevelt permanently alienated many conservative Democrats; however the Supreme Court started upholding New Deal laws. Justices then started retiring, allowing Roosevelt to select a majority of the Court. By 1942, the Supreme Court had almost completely abandoned its "judicial activism" of striking down congressional laws. The Supreme Court ruled in ''[[Wickard v. Filburn]]'' that the [[Commerce Clause]] covered almost all such regulation allowing the necessary expansion of federal power to make the New Deal "constitutional".

Two old words now took on new meaning. "Liberal" no longer referred to [[classical liberalism]] but now meant a supporter of the New Deal; conservative meant upholding the Constitution. Whether the New Deal was successful is usually approached not as a historical problem, but as a current debate whether the New Deal should be a model for government today, complicated by its conflicting goals of promising something for nothing for everyone. Liberals continue to battle conservatives. The term "New Deal" is also used to describe the [[New Deal Coalition]] that Roosevelt created to support his programs, including the Democratic party, big city machines, labor unions, Catholic and Jewish minorities, African Americans, farmers, and most Southern whites.

==The Origins of the New Deal==

On the 29th of October, 1929, the flight of capital from the over valued U.S. stock market set off a downward spiral in employment and growth in every part of the globe known as the [[Great Depression]]. Although statistics were not kept it was later estimated unemployment in the U.S. increased from 4% to 25% between 1929 and 1933 while manufacturing output plunged by approximately a third. Gross private domestic investment, which includes construction and inventories, shrank from $16.2 billion to $1.4 billion. <ref>In 1958 constant dollars. Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, ''Federal Reserve Bulletin'', June 1973, p. A68.</ref> Prices everywhere fell, making the burden of the repayments of debts much harder. Heavy industry, mining, lumbering and agriculture were hard hit. The impact was much less severe in white collar and service sectors, but every city and state was hit hard.

Upon accepting the 1932 [[U.S. Democratic Party, history|Democratic]] nomination for president, Roosevelt promised "a new deal for the American people."<ref> The phrase came from the title of popular writer Stuart Chase's book ''A New Deal'' published earlier in 1932. </ref> Roosevelt entered office with no single ideology or plan for dealing with the depression. He was willing to try anything, and, indeed, in the "First New Deal" (1933-34) virtually every organized group (except the Socialists and Communists) gained much of what they demanded. This "First New Deal" thus was self-contradictory, pragmatic, and experimental. Government spending propelled the economy to recover from the deep pit of 1932, and started heading upward again until 1937, when the over emphasis on consumption of capital resources plunged the economy into the [[Recession of 1937]] and sent unemployment back to 1934 levels. Whether the New Deal was responsible for the recovery, or whether it even slowed the recovery, is a subject of debate.

The New Deal drew from many different sources over the previous half-century. Some New Dealers, led by [[Thurman Arnold]], went back to the anti-monopoly tradition in the Democratic party that stretched back a century. Monopoly was bad for America, [[Louis Brandeis]] kept insisting, because it produced waste and inefficiency. However, the anti-monopoly group never had a major impact on New Deal policy.

From the Wilson administration, other New Dealers, such as [[Hugh Samuel Johnson|Hugh Johnson]] of the [[National Recovery Administration|NRA]], were shaped by efforts to mobilize the economy for [[World War I]], They brought ideas and experience from the government controls and spending of 1917-18. And from the policy experiments of the 1920s, New Dealers picked up ideas from efforts to harmonize the economy by creating cooperative relationships among its constituent elements. Roosevelt brought together a so-called "[[Brain Trust]]" of academic advisers to assist in his recovery efforts. They sought to introduce extensive government intervention in the form of spending and regulation instead of allowing self-correcting mechanisms to run its course. New Dealers such as Donald Richberg, as the replacement head of the NRA, said "A nationally [[planned economy]] is the only salvation of our present situation and the only hope for the future."<ref>Leuchtenburg p. 58</ref> Historian Clarence B. Carson says:

<blockquote>

At this remove in time from the early days of the New Deal, it is difficult to recapture, even in imagination, the heady enthusiasm among a goodly number of intellectuals for a government planned economy. So far as can now be told, they believed that a bright new day was dawning, that national planning would result in an organically integrated economy in which everyone would joyfully work for the common good, and that American society would be freed at last from those antagonisms arising, as General Hugh Johnson put it, from “the murderous doctrine of savage and wolfish individualism, looking to dog-eat-dog and devil take the hindmost.<ref>Carson, Clarence B. [http://www.libertyhaven.com/theoreticalorphilosophicalissues/economichistory/relicsdeal.shtml ''The Relics of Intervention'' part 4. ''New Deal Collective Planning'']</ref>

</blockquote>

[[File:Newdealstamp.png|thumb|280px|1998 US stamp celebrates alphabet agencies of New Deal]]

The New Deal faced some very vocal [[American conservatism|conservative]] opposition. The first organized opposition in 1934 came from the [[American Liberty League]] led by Democrats such as 1924 and 1928 presidential candidates [[John W. Davis]] and [[Al Smith]]. There was also a large loose grouping of opponents of the New Deal who have come to be known as the [[Old Right (United States)|Old Right]] which included politicians, intellectuals, writers, and newspaper editors of various philosophical persuasions including [[classical liberals]], conservatives, Democrats and Republicans.

===World Comparisons===

Britain was unable to adopt major programs to stop its depression. That led to collapse of the Labour government and replacement in 1931 by a National coalition (predominantly Conservative). There was no equivalent "New Deal" government intervention in Britain, which allowing self correcting market mechanism to operate, brought about a higher level of sustained employment and recovered more quickly from the Depression. In Canada, Conservative Prime Minister [[R. B. Bennett]] pushed for a program similar to the New Deal but failed to get it enacted and was defeated for reelection by the Liberals under [[William Mackenzie King]]. In New Zealand a series of economic and social policies similar to the New Deal were adopted after the election of the first Labour Government in 1935 [http://www.teara.govt.nz/1966/H/HistoryEconomic/LabourPolicy/en].

In [[Nazi Germany]], economic recovery was pursued through wage controls, suppression of unions, and big government spending programs on [[Autobahn|infrastructure]] and public works; as in the United States, large-scale armament spending came later in the 1930s. In [[Mussolini]]'s Italy, the economic controls of his corporate state were tightened.

==The First Hundred Days==

[[Image:FDR0415.JPG|framed|Roosevelt's energetic public personality--"the only thing we have to fear is fear itself," and his "[[fireside chats]]" helped restore confidence.]]

Having won a decisive victory in 1932, and with his party having decisively swept Congressional elections across the nation, Roosevelt entered office with unprecedented political capital. Many Congressmen had their favorite projects, like the TVA plan of Senator [[George Norris]], which the administration adopted and treated as its own. Finally there were numerous Hoover plans that he could not get passed but were ready to go, such as the emergency banking laws. Americans of all political persuasions were demanding immediate action, and Roosevelt responded with a series of new programs in the “first hundred days” of the administration.

===The "Bank Holiday" and the Emergency Banking Act===

Roosevelt hurled the blame at businessmen and bankers with religious rhetoric: "Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men....The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization."

The failure of Credit Anstalt, a large commercial bank in Austria in 1931, brought a new wave of financial panic to Wall Street. By March 4, all banks in the country were virtually closed by their governors, and Roosevelt kept them all closed until he could pass new legislation.<ref> for details see "Bottom" in ''Time Magazine'' (March 13, 1933) online at [http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,745289,00.html]</ref> On March 9, Roosevelt sent to Congress the [[Emergency Banking Act]], drafted in large part by Hoover's administration; the act was passed and signed into law the same day. It provided for a system of reopening sound banks under Treasury supervision, with federal loans available if needed. Three-quarters of the banks in the [[Federal Reserve System]] reopened within the next three days. Billions of dollars in "hoarded" currency and gold flowed back into them within a month, thus stabilizing the banking system. All was normal by April. During all of 1933, 4,004 small local banks were permanently closed and were merged into larger banks. (Their depositors eventually received 85 cents on the dollar of their deposits.) Congress created the [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] in June, which insured deposits for up to $5,000, although Roosevelt opposed it support was overwhelming. The establishment of the FDIC virtually ended the era of "runs" on banks.

The Banking Act of 1935 removed the Secretary of the Treasury from the Federal Reserve Board of Governors and established the [[Federal Open Market Committee]] to control market operations of the the Federal Reserve, the buying and selling of Government securities the Federal Reserve System.

===Economic growth===

The economy hit rock bottom in March 1933 and now it started to expand. As historian Broadus Mitchell notes, "Most indexes worsened until the summer of 1932, which may be called the low point of the depression economically and psychologically."<ref>Mitchell p 404.</ref> Economic indicators show the economy reached nadir in the first days of March, then began a steady, sharp upward recovery. Thus the Federal Reserve Index of Industrial Production hit its lowest point of 52.8 in July 1932 (with 1935-39 = 100) and was practically unchanged at 54.3 in March 1933; however by July 1933, it reached 85.5, a dramatic rebound of 57% in four months. Growth was steady and strong until 1937 but job creation continued to lag. By 1941, personal consumption expenditures - despite population increase - were virtually unchanged since 1929, reflecting a general impoverishment of the nation.<ref>Personal consumption expenditures in the aggregate for 1929 were 77.2 billion, 45.8 billion in 1933, and 80.6 billion in 1941. Measured in constant 1958 dollars. Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, ''Federal Reserve Bulletin'', June 1973, p. A68.</ref>

[[Image:US-jobs2040.JPG|thumb|450px|Chart 2: total employment in US, excluding farms and WPA]]

===The Economy Act===

The [[Economy Act]], drafted by Budget Director [[Lewis Douglas]] was passed on March 20, 1933. The act proposed to balance the "regular" (non-emergency) federal budget by cutting the salaries of government employees and cutting pensions to veterans by 40 percent. It saved $500 million a year and reassured deficit hawks such as Douglas that the new president was fiscally conservative. Roosevelt argued there were two budgets: the "regular" federal budget, which he balanced, and the "emergency budget," which was needed to defeat the depression. It was imbalanced on a temporary basis.

Roosevelt was ran on a platform of balancing the budget, but in office found himself running spending deficits to fund the numerous programs he created. Douglas, however, rejecting the distinction between a regular and emergency budget, resigned in 1934, and became an outspoken critic of the New Deal. Roosevelt strenuously opposed the [[Bonus Bill]] that would give World War I veterans a cash bonus. Finally, Congress passed it over his veto in 1936, and the Treasury distributed $1.5 billion in cash to 4 million of bonus welfare benefits to veterans just before the 1936 election.

These blank check appropriations led to the subservience of Congress and the rise of bureaucracy. Under the Constitution, Congress alone can write laws. The executive branch only enforces the law. But Congress now began to pass laws that created large bureaus empowered to make [[regulation]]s or directives with a wide range of authority. Under these laws the executive bureau became a quasi-legislative body authorized by Congress to make regulations which had the effect of law. This practice grew until Washington was filled with a [[New Deal agencies|vast array of bureaus]] that were making laws, enforcing them and actually interpreting them through [[administrative law court]]s set up within the bureaus, abolishing on a large scale the [[separation of powers]] between executive, legislative and judicial processes.

At least until [[John F. Kennedy]] in 1960, New Dealers never fully recognized the [[Keynesian economics|Keynesian]] argument for government spending as a vehicle for recovery. Most economists of the era, along with [[Henry Morgenthau, Jr.|Henry Morgenthau]] of the Treasury Department, rejected Keynesian solutions and favored balanced budgets.

===Minimum wage===

Shortly after his election FDR forced the Congress to scrap minimum wage and maximum hour legislation which the Senate had already passed. <ref>''The Roosevelt Myth''], John T. Flynn, Fox and Wilkes, 1948, Book 2, Ch. 3., [http://www.rooseveltmyth.com/book/fdrmyth_Chapter_Three___The_Forgotten_De.htm ''The Forgotten Deprssion''].</ref>

===The Farm Programs ===

Roosevelt was keenly interested in farm issues, and emphasized that true prosperity would not return until farming was prosperous. Many different programs were directed at farmers. The first hundred days produced a federal program to protect commercial farmers from the uncertainties of the depression through subsidies and production controls. This program began with the [[Agricultural Adjustment Act]], creating the [[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]] (AAA), which Congress passed in May 1933.

[[File:Farm-bill.jpg|thumb|350px|Would FDR's farm plan steamroller over traditional American values? ]]

The AAA reflected the demands of leaders of major farm organizations, especially the Farm Bureau, and reflected debates among Roosevelt's farm advisers such as [[Henry A. Wallace]], [[Rexford Tugwell]], and [[George Peek]]. The AAA implemented a provision for crop reductions known as the "domestic allotment" system of the act. Under this system producers of corn, cotton, dairy products, hogs, rice, tobacco, and wheat would decide on production limits for their crops. The AAA would then pay land owners subsidies for leaving some of their land idle with funds provided by a new tax on food processing. Farm prices were to be subsidized up to the point of parity. Some crops were ordered to be destroyed and some livestock slaughtered to raise the prices farmers received. The idea was that the less produced, the higher the price, and the farmer would benefit. Farm incomes increased significantly in the first three years of the New Deal. A Gallup Poll revealed that a majority of the American public opposed the AAA; conservatives complained that price fixing was dangerously distorting the economy.

The milk program was especially problematic--and indeed still is in the 21st century, with state governments having a major role.

The main farm program was the [[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]] or AAA, enacted in 1933. The government rented land from farmers to take it out of production, therby hoping the reduce the surpluses that caused such low prices. By 1936 conditions had dramatically improved in agriculture. Although the holy grail of 100% parity was not reached until 1943, incomes were much higher rising from $4.7 billion in 1932 to $8.7 billion in 1936. The heavy burden of debt that had soured the 1920s was mostly paid off or refinanced. The chimerical vision of escaping to the rich cities no longer enthralled the farm youth.

The main causes of the return to prosperity include the overall improved national economy, the severe draught of 1934 that reduced output and caused prices to rise. The AAA payments to farmers were a help. The acreage reduction program had little effect except in cotton and tobacco. In other crops the farmers improved their efficiency on the remaining acreage and output stayed level. In cotton and tobacco, however, prices were much higher and since the great majority of Southerners lived in rural areas and depended on these crops, the New Deal was very well regarded.<ref> Benedict, ''Farm Policies,'' p 353</ref>

The AAA established an important and long-lasting federal role in the planning on the entire agricultural sector of the economy, with support from liberals and conservatives alike.

In 1936, the Supreme Court declared the AAA to be [[Constitutionality|unconstitutional]], stating that "a statutory plan to regulate and control agricultural production, is a matter beyond the powers delegated to the federal government..." The AAA was replaced by a similar program that did win Court approval, and was endorsed by the both parties in the 1936 election.

Federal regulation of agricultural production has been modified many times since then, but together with large subsidies it is still in effect in 2009.

===Tenant farmers and sharecroppers===

Roosevelt, henry Wallace and many New Dealers were highly sympathetic to the marginal farmers who lived on the land in severe poverty, especially in the South. Major programs addressed to their needs included the [[Resettlement Administration]] (RA), the [[Farm Security Administration]] (FSA), the [[Rural Electrification Administration]] (REA), the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]] (TVA) and rural welfare projects sponsored by the WPA, NYA, Forest Service and CCC, including school lunches, building new schools, opening roads in remote areas, reforestation, and purchase of marginal lands to enlarge national forests.

===Relief ===

The administration launched a series of relief measures and welfare agencies to give meaningful jobs to the unemployed, especially unskilled laborers. The largest programs were the [[Civilian Conservation Corps]] (CCC), the [[Civil Works Administration]] (CWA), the [[Federal Emergency Relief Administration]] (FERA), the [[National Youth Administration]] (NYA), and above all, the [[Works Progress Administration]] (WPA). The WPA employed a maximum of 3.3 million in November 1938.<ref>According to Nancy Rose' Put to Work.</ref> However, even at this level of WPA employment, unemployment (counting WPA as employment) was still 12.5% in 1938 according to figures from Micheal Darby.<ref>Darby, Michael R.''Three and a half million U.S. Employees have been mislaid: or, an Explanation of Unemployment, 1934-1941.'' Journal of Political Economy 84, no. 1 (1976): 1-16.</ref> All these emergency programs were terminated in 1942-43, when unemployment had vanished due to World War II related employment offers.

[[Image:Wpa1.JPG|thumb|275px|WPA employed 2 to 3 million unemployed at unskilled labor]]

In 1933 the administration launched the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]], a project involving dam construction planning on an unprecedented scale in order to curb flooding, generate electricity, and modernize the very poor farms in the [[Tennessee Valley]] region of the [[US South|Southern United States]].

===Repeal of prohibition===

In a measure that garnered substantial popular support, Roosevelt, in his first days of office, moved to put to rest one of the most divisive cultural issues of the 1920s. He supported and signed a bill to legalize the manufacture and sale of beer, an interim measure pending the repeal of [[Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Prohibition]], for which a constitutional amendment (the Twenty-first) was already in process. The amendment was ratified later in 1933. Prohibition had been a rather unpopular amendment and led to bootlegging, the illegal manufacture (or importation) and sale of liquor within the United States.

===Communists in 1930s===

The New Deal was infiltrated with [[Communists]].<ref>The [[Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy]] wrote in its final report, "The first fact is that a significant Communist conspiracy was in place in Washington, New York, and Hollywood." [http://www.fas.org/sgp/library/moynihan/appa6.html Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy, Appendix A 6. The Experience of The Bomb]; the report also included, "At this distance it is difficult to conceive the intensity of Communist conviction in the 1930s....Looking back, however, we see more clearly the dilemma ... By 1950... the United States Government possessed information which the American public desperately needed to know: proof that there had been a serious attack on American security by the [[Soviet Union]], with considerable assistance from what was, indeed, an “enemy within.” The fact that we knew this was now known to, or sufficiently surmised by, the Soviet authorities. Only the American public was denied this information. [http://www.fas.org/sgp/library/moynihan/appa7.html Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy, Appendix A 7. The Cold War]</ref> [[Harold Ware]] was a [[Communist Party USA]] (CPUSA) official in the AAA and founded the [[Ware group]]. The group consisted of young lawyers and economists, had about 75 members in 1934 and was divided into about eight cells. The AAA was later found [[unconstitutional]], but by that time the Communist operatives had established jobs in government employment. [[Alger Hiss]], [[Lee Pressman]], [[John Abt]], [[Charles Kramer]], [[Nathan Witt]], [[Henry Collins]], [[George Silverman]], [[Marion Bachrach]], [[John Herrmann]], [[Nathaniel Weyl]], [[Donald Hiss]] and [[Victor Perlo]] were all members. [[Harry Dexter White]], who was involved in the most auspicious policy [[subversion (political)|subversion]] as Director of the Division of Monetary Research in the [[Treasury Department]], was also affiliated with the group. The Ware group was the CPUSA's covert arm at this time. Each of these agents not only provided classified documents to Soviet intelligence, but was involved in political influence operations as well.

In 1934, a Congressional Investigation was held to examine statements by Dr. [[William A. Wirt]], who headed the U.S. [[Department of Education|Office of Education]]. Dr. Wirt had attended a dinner party with several Brain Trusters at the home of his secretary, [[Alice Barrows]]. Barrows began working for the Office of Education in 1919 and was secretly a member of the [[Communist Party of the United States]] (CPUSA) which advocated the violent overthrow of the United States Constitution. Several of the Brain Trusters present at the dinner revealed to Wirt they were CPUSA members. Wirt testified,

{{Cquote|I was told they believe that by thwarting our then evident economic recovery, they would be able to prolong the country’s destitution until they had demonstrated to the American people that the Government must operate business and commerce. By propaganda, they would destroy institutions making long term capital loans—and then push Uncle Sam into making these loans. Once Uncle Sam becomes our financier, he must also follow his money with control and management. <ref>Hearings, House Select Committee To Investigate Certain Statements of Dr. William Wirt, 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, April 10 and 17, 1934. </ref><ref>''Dr Wirt faces the cameras and tells all'', Literary Digest v. 117 (April 21 1934) p. 7.</ref><ref>FBI Silvermaster file [http://education-research.org/PDFs/Silvermaster053.pdf Volume 53 June 1946], p. 78 pdf.</ref>}}

Outside government, the far left was exerting considerable influence in the labor movement (it dominated the new [[Congress of Industrial Organizations|CIO]]), and was building a network of membership organizations. Thus the [[American League Against War and Fascism]] was formed in 1933 and, in 1937, became the American League for Peace and Democracy. There followed the [[American Youth Congress]], 1934; League of American Writers, 1935; National Negro Congress, 1936; and the American Congress for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom, 1939. All had significant Stalinist connections, and fought furious battles with the anti-Communist left.<ref>

Leuchtenburg (1963) 281-3; Irving Howe, Lewis A. Coser, and Julius Jacobson, ''The American Communist Party: a critical history, 1919-1957'' (1957); James R. Barrett, ''William Z. Foster and the Tragedy of American Radicalism'' (2002).</ref>

===Puerto Rico===

A separate set of programs operated in [[Puerto Rico]], headed by the Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration. It promoted [[land reform]] and helped small farms; it set up farm cooperatives, promoted crop diversification, and helped local industry. The Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration was directed by [[Ernest Gruening]] from 1935 to 1937.

==Reform: (NIRA)==

===Business, labor, and government cooperation===

Besides programs for immediate 'relief' the New Deal embarked quickly on an agenda of long-term 'reform' aimed at avoiding another depression. The New Dealers responded to demands to inflate the currency by a variety of means. Another group of reformers sought to build consumer and farmer co-ops as a counterweight to big business. The consumer co-ops did not take off, but the [[Rural Electrification Administration]] used co-ops to bring electricity to rural areas. (As of 2007, many still operate.)

Roosevelt realized that these initial actions were nothing but short term solutions, and that more comprehensive government programs would be necessary. In the roughly three years between the Great Crash and Roosevelt's First Hundred Days, the industrial economy had been suffering from a vicious cycle of [[deflation (economics)|deflation]]. Since 1931, the [[U.S. Chamber of Commerce]], then and now the voice of the nation's organized business, had been urging the Hoover administration to adopt an anti-deflationary scheme that would permit trade associations to cooperate in stabilizing prices within their industries. While existing antitrust laws clearly forbade such practices, organized business found a receptive ear in the Roosevelt administration.

The Roosevelt administration, packed with reformers aspiring to forge all elements of society into a cooperative unit (a reaction to the worldwide specter of business-labor "class struggle"), was fairly amenable to the idea of cooperation among producers.

The Roosevelt administration insisted that business would have to ensure that the incomes of workers would rise along with their prices. The product of all these impulses and pressures was the [[National Industrial Recovery Act]] (NIRA) which was passed by Congress in June 1933. The NIRA established the [[National Planning Board]], also called the National Resources Planning Board (NRPB), to assist in planning the economy by providing recommendations and information. Fredric A. Delano was appointed head of the NRPB.

The NIRA guaranteed to workers the right of collective bargaining and helped spur some union organizing activity, but much faster growth of union membership came after the 1935 Wagner Act. The NIRA established the [[National Recovery Administration]] (NRA), which attempted to stabilize prices and wages through cooperative "code authorities" involving government, business, and labor. The NRA included a multitude of regulations imposing the pricing and production standards for all sorts of goods and services. Some ridiculed it as the "National Run Around." Most economists were dubious because it was based on fixing prices to reduce competition.<ref>Parker</ref> Historian Jim Power, in ''FDR's Folly'' says that the above-market wage rates dictated by the NRA made it more expensive for employers to hire people, and therefore unnecessarily maintained high unemployment and prolonged the Depression.

To prime the pump and cut unemployment, the NIRA created the [[Public Works Administration]] (PWA), a major program of public works. From 1933 to 1939 PWA spent $6 billion with private companies to build 34,500 projects, many of them quite large.

===The NRA "Blue Eagle" campaign===
[[Image:Blue-nra.jpg|thumb|300px}left|NRA "Blue Eagle" stamps]]

New Deal economists argued that cut-throat competition had hurt many businesses and that with prices having fallen 20% and more, "deflation" exacerbated the burden of debt and would delay recovery. They rejected a strong move in Congress to limit the workweek to 30 hours. Instead their remedy, designed in cooperation with the Chamber of Commerce (representing big business), was the NIRA. It included billions in stimulus funds for the PWA to spend, and sought to to raise prices, give more bargaining power for unions (so the workers could purchase more) and reduce harmful competition.<ref> Unions in 1933-35 were small and weak; they took off after 1935.</ref> At the center of the NIRA was the National Recovery Administration (NRA), headed by former General [[Hugh Samuel Johnson]], who had been a senior economic official in World War I. Johnson called on every business establishment in the nation to accept a stopgap "blanket code": a minimum wage of between 20 and 45 cents per hour, a maximum workweek of 35 to 45 hours, and the abolition of [[child labor]]. Johnson and Roosevelt contended that the "blanket code" would raise consumer purchasing power and increase employment.<ref>Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. ''The Coming of the New Deal'' (1959), 87-135 </ref>

To mobilize political support for the NRA, Johnson launched the "NRA [[Blue Eagle]]" publicity campaign to boost what he called "industrial self-government." The NRA brought together leaders in each industry to design specific sets of codes for that industry; the most important provisions were anti-deflationary floors below which no company would lower prices or wages, and agreements on maintaining employment and production. In a remarkably short time, the NRA announced agreements from almost every major industry in the nation. By March 1934, industrial production was 45% higher than in March 1933.<ref> Federal Reserve System, ''National Summary of Business Conditions'' (1936)</ref> According to some economists, the NRA increased the cost of doing business by forty percent.<ref name="Reed">Reed, Lawrence W. [http://www.mackinac.org/archives/1998/sp1998-01.pdf ''Great Myths of the Great Depression''] Mackinac Center for Public Policy.</ref> Donald Richberg, who soon replaced Johnson as the head of the NRA said:
<blockquote>
There is no choice presented to American business between intelligently planned and uncontrolled industrial operations and a return to the gold-plated anarchy that masqueraded as "rugged individualism."...Unless industry is sufficiently socialized by its private owners and managers so that great essential industries are operated under public obligation appropriate to the public interest in them, the advance of political control over private industry is inevitable.<ref>Schlesinger, ''The Coming of the New Deal'' p. 115</ref>
</blockquote>

By the time NRA ended in May 1935, industrial production was 55% higher than in May 1933. On May 27, 1935, the NRA was found to be unconstitutional by a unanimous decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of ''[[Schechter v. United States]]''. On that same day, the Court unanimously struck down the Frazier-Lemke Act portion of the New Deal as unconstitutional. Some libertarians such as [[Richard Ebeling]] see these and other rulings striking down portions of the New Deal as preventing the U.S. economic system from becoming a [[planned economy]] corporate state.<ref> [http://64.233.161.104/search?q=cache:fHF_o54pFCEJ:www.fee.org/pdf/the-freeman/1005RME "When the Supreme Court Stopped Economic Fascism in America"]. By Richard Ebeling, president of [[Foundation for Economic Education]]. Oct. 2005.</ref>

[[Image:US-mfg20-40.jpg|thumb|400px|Chart 3: employment in manufacturing 1920-1940, in millions]]

Employment in private sector factories recovered to the level of the late 1920s by 1937 (see chart 2), but did not grow much bigger until the war came; during the war manufacturing employment leaped from 11 million in 1940 to 18 million in 1943.

==Second New Deal==

===Second New Deal Enacted 1935===

In the spring of 1935, responding to the setbacks in the Court, a new skepticism in Congress, and the growing popular clamor for more dramatic action, the administration proposed or endorsed several important new initiatives. Historians refer to them as the "Second New Deal" and note that it was more radical, more pro-labor and anti-business than the "First New Deal" of 1933-34. The [[National Labor Relations Act]], also known as the '''Wagner Act''', revived and strengthened the protections of collective bargaining contained in the original (and now unconstitutional) NIRA. The result was a tremendous growth of membership in the labor unions comprising the [[American Federation of Labor]]. Labor thus became a major component of the New Deal political coalition.

Roosevelt nationalized unemployment relief through the [[Works Progress Administration]] (WPA), headed by close friend [[Harry Hopkins]]. It created hundreds of thousands of low-skilled blue collar jobs for unemployed men (and some for unemployed women and white collar workers). Applicants for WPA jobs did not have to be Democrats, but their foremen quickly explained that Roosevelt created their paychecks and that conservative Republicans wanted to abolish the program.

The [[NYA|National Youth Administration]] was the semi-autonomous WPA program for youth. Its Texas director, [[Lyndon Baines Johnson]], later used the NYA as a model for some of his [[Great Society]] programs in the 1960s.

In the very long run, the most important program of 1935, and perhaps the New Deal as a whole, was the [[Social Security Act]], which established a system of retirement pensions for people in the industrial sector (not including farmers or household workers) and unemployment insurance, as well as welfare benefits for poor families and the handicapped. It established the framework for the U.S. welfare system. Roosevelt insisted that it should be funded by payroll taxes rather than from the general fund; he said, "We put those payroll contributions there so as to give the contributors a legal, moral, and political right to collect their pensions and unemployment benefits. With those taxes in there, no damn politician can ever scrap my social security program." With the [[Unified budget Act]]  the Social Security Trust Fund was used to finance the Vietnam War and Great Society programs. The original payroll withholding was 1% of the workers gross income, with Roosevelt pledging it would never exceed 3%. Today it 6.2% and 12.4% for self-employed workers - one sixth of a workers lifetime earnings when Medicare is factored in. The withholding is on the first dollar of income with no deductions or exemptions allowed to offset contributions, and a worker was no claim or control over the assets in his account. If a worker dies before retirement, his estate has no claim on his lifetime contributions.

Social Security remains by far the single largest program driving the growth of [[National Debt]]; since it is value of [[labor]] that is withheld, the more people [[employment|employed]], the higher wages are paid. the more hours worked including overtime, all is added to the national debt as a promise by the federal government repay at some future date. And given that it is labor driving the creation of federal debt, the national debt cannot be paid down by labor. This is referred to as the "structural flaw" in the original Social Security Act. Further, FDR's assertion that "no damn politician can ever scrap my social security program" would not withstand a Constitutional challenge. In American people are born free, and no politician can the pledge that some future Congress elected by free citizens can refuse to honor the promises to pay seniors given that benefits are paid out from current workers earnings on a "pay as you go" basis, and are not held in a trust fund.

One of the last New Deal agencies was the [[United States Housing Authority]], created in 1937 with some Republican support to abolish slums.

===Defeat: Court Packing and Executive Reorganization===

Roosevelt, however, emboldened by the triumphs of his first term, set out in 1937 to consolidate authority within the government in ways that provoked powerful opposition. Early in the year, he asked Congress to [[Judiciary Reorganization Bill of 1937|expand the number of justices on the Supreme Court]] so as to allow him to appoint members sympathetic to his ideas and hence tip the ideological balance of the Court. This proposal provoked a storm of protest.

In the long run the Court shifted to the left. Justice [[Owen Josephus Roberts|Owen Roberts]], switched positions and began voting to uphold New Deal measures, effectively creating a liberal majority in ''[[West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish]]'' and ''[[National Labor Relations Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corporation]]'' thus departing from the ''[[Lochner v. New York]]'' era and giving the government more power in questions of economic policies. Journalists called this change "[[the switch in time that saved nine]]." Recent scholars have noted that since the vote in Parrish took place several months before the court-packing plan was announced, other factors, like evolving jurisprudence, must have contributed to the Court's swing. The opinions handed down in Spring 1937, favorable to the government, also contributed to the downfall of the plan. In any case, the "court packing plan," as it was known, did lasting political damage to Roosevelt and was finally rejected by Congress in July.

[[File:Fdr-reorganize.jpg|thumb|290px|FDR alreads has too much power & demands more]]
At about the same time, the administration proposed a plan to reorganize the executive branch in ways that would significantly increase the president's control over the bureaucracy. Like the Court-packing plan, executive reorganization garnered opposition from those who feared a "Roosevelt dictatorship" and it failed in Congress; a watered-down version of the bill finally won passage in 1939.

===Attacks Right and Left ===
Historians on the left, like Conkin (1967), bemoan that FDR rescued capitalism just when the opportunity was at hand to nationalize banking, railroads and other industries. Liberal historians like Sitkoff argue that Roosevelt restored hope and self-respect to tens of millions of desperate people, built labor unions, upgraded the national infrastructure and saved capitalism in his first term when he could have destroyed it and easily nationalized the banks and the railroads.

Historians on the right like Folsom complain that FDR enlarged the powers of the federal government, built up labor unions, slowed long-term economic growth, and weakened the business community.<ref> Burton W. Folsom, ''New Deal or Raw Deal?: How FDR's Economic Legacy Has Damaged America'' (2009)</ref>

[[Image:Gop-plank.JPG|thumb|275px|A 1936 cartoon shows the GOP building its platform from the conservative planks abandoned by the Democrats.]]

Historians on the left have denounced the New Deal as a conservative phenomenon that let slip the opportunity to radically reform capitalism. Since the 1960s, "[[New Left]]" historians have been among the New Deal's harsh critics. (''For a list of relevant works, see the list of suggested readings appearing toward the bottom of the article.'') New Left historian Barton J. Bernstein, in a 1968 essay, compiled a chronicle of missed opportunities and inadequate responses to problems. The New Deal may have saved capitalism from itself, Bernstein charged, but it had failed to help—and in many cases actually harmed—those groups most in need of assistance. Conkin (1967) similarly chastised the government of the 1930s for its policies toward marginal farmers, for its failure to institute sufficiently progressive tax reform, and its excessive generosity toward select business interests. From the far left [[Howard Zinn]], in 1966, criticized the New Deal for working actively to actually preserve the worst evils of capitalism.

Since the 1970s research on the New Deal has been less interested in the question of whether the New Deal was a "conservative," "liberal" or "revolutionary" phenomenon than in the question of constraints within which it was operating. Political sociologist [[Theda Skocpol]], in an influential series of articles, has emphasized the issue of "state capacity" as an often-crippling constraint. Ambitious reform ideas often failed, she argued because of the absence of a government bureaucracy with significant strength and expertise to administer them. Other more recent works have stressed the political constraints that the New Deal encountered. Both in Congress and among certain segments of the population conservative inhibitions about government remained strong; thus some scholars have stressed that the New Deal was not just a product of its liberal backers, but also a product of the pressures of its conservative opponents.

==Government Role: balance labor, business and farming==
New Deal saw the government as an umpire or balancing force among business, labor and farming, with consumers perhaps having a role too. This approach became known as "interest group pluralism", and emphasized the role of leaders bargaining with each other and with government agencies. Congress played less of a role in New Deal thought (to the annoyance of many Congressmen.)

By the end of the 1930s, business found itself competing for influence with an increasingly powerful labor movement, one that was engaged in mass mobilization and sometimes militant action; with an organized agricultural economy, and occasionally with aroused consumers. The New Deal accomplished this by creating a series of state institutions that greatly, and permanently, expanded the role of the federal government in American life. The government was now committed to providing at least minimal assistance to the poor and unemployed; to protecting the rights of labor unions; to stabilizing the banking system; to building low-income housing; to regulating financial markets; to subsidizing agricultural production; and to doing many other things that had not previously been federal responsibilities.

Thus, perhaps the strongest legacy of the New Deal, in other words, was to make the federal government a protector of interest groups and a supervisor of competition among them. As a result of the New Deal, political and economic life became politically more competitive than before, with workers, farmers, consumers, and others now able to press their demands upon the government in ways that in the past had been available only to the corporate world. Hence the frequent description of the government the New Deal created as the "broker state," a state brokering the competing claims of numerous groups. If there was more political competition, there was less market competition. Farmers were not allowed to sell for less than the official price. The transportation industry (especially airlines, trucking and railroads) was tightly regulated so that every firm had a guaranteed market and management and labor had high profits and high wages, all at the cost of high prices and much inefficiency. Quotas in the oil industry were fixed by the [[Railroad Commission of Texas]] with the federal [[Tom Connally|Connally]] Hot Oil Act of 1935<ref>The Handbook of Texas Online: [http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online/articles/CC/mlc3.html Connally Hot Oil Act of 1935]</ref> guaranteeing that illegal "hot oil" would not be sold. To the New Dealers, the free market meant "cut-throat competition" and they considered that evil. Not until the 1970s and 1980s would most of the New Deal regulations be relaxed.

Thus, it did not transform American capitalism in any genuinely radical way. Except in the field of labor relations, corporate power remained nearly as free from government regulation in 1939 as it had been in 1933, but that changed dramatically during the war, as Washington took control over wage rates, prices, and allocation of raw materials, and sent military officers into munitions plants. All the relief programs were closed down during the war, but one major program survived--Social Security--to become the liberal hallmark of the New Deal into the 21st century.

==Stagnation of the economy: Negative supply side==
Supply side economics<ref>The term was invented in the 1970s.</ref> can have a goal of expanding the supply of labor and capital, as typified the [[Ronald Reagan]] administration in the 1980s. But it can also be the reverse or "negative supply side," trying to reduce the unemployed, for example, by moving millions of people out of the labor force, as by relief agencies (CCC, WPA etc), retirement (Social Security, Old Age pensions) or (staring in 1940) the military draft.\

===Practice===
Senator Hugo Black's 30-hour bill, a favorite panacea of the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL), did not pass, but its substitute, the [[National Industrial Recovery Act]] (NIRA), sought recovery through minimum wages and the reduction of hours. The NRA did reduce the total number of hours worked in the nation, and thus reduced the total GNP and average real income. The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) kept several hundred thousand young men at a time off the labor market. Child labor codes in the NRA effectively removed youths under sixteen from the labor market, and home work was drastically curtailed. Public opinion strongly supported federal and state efforts, echoed by many local governments, school boards, utilities, and other large employers, to prevent wives from working if the husband (the "breadwinner") had a job. Alien Mexican families were given one-way rail tickets back home. The Social Security program did not have much effect on older people until the 1950s, but meanwhile railroad retirement and old age assistance for the poor who stopped looking for jobs reduced the supply of labor. As late as 1937, Roosevelt's aides were drafting laws to shorten the work week to thirty-five hours, require premium pay for overtime, and fix the minimum hourly wage at 80 cents (far above the prevailing 63-cent rate). They failed, and the much watered down Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 established a 25-cent-per-hour minimum wage which covered 43 percent of the nation's wage earners. The final, and successful supply-side remedy was the draft, and after 1940 the increase in military personnel paralleled the reduction of unemployment.

The problem with the supply-side remedies was that they cut output as much as input, made the nation poorer, slowed long-term growth, distorted personal choices, and increased unemployment.

===Theory===
The New Dealers promoted negative supply side because they believed in the theory of economic maturity developed by Alvin Hansen to the effect that the American economy by the late 1920s was fully grown and would not be growing any more. Recovery meant return to the levels of the 1920s, but it seemed unlikely there would be much future growth. There seemed to be no new industries--the most important new industry in the 1930s was radio, but it employed few people. Therefore pro-growth solutions, New Dealers argued, were a mistake, especially because they gave a lot of leeway to big business.<ref> George Terborgh, ''The Bogey of Economic Maturity'' (1945) is a systematic refutation. [http://www.questia.com/googleScholar.qst;jsessionid=LZXTJhxhfZFGMG8K0TbQMs2GvQX0NBvy2Gk2Tp7PLb59fkLll6Qs!-508003271!-1404068679?docId=8860128 online edition]</ref>

The most prominent spokesman for "economic maturity" was Harvard economist Alvin Hansen (1887-1975)<ref> Alvin H. Hansen, "Economic Progress and Declining Population Growth," ''American Economic Review,'' Vol. 29, No. 1 (Mar., 1939), pp. 1-15 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1806983 in JSTOR]</ref> who called it "secular stagnation." In the late 1930s Hansen argued that "secular stagnation" had set in, so that the American economy would never grow rapidly again, because all the growth ingredients had played out, including technological innovation and population growth. The only solution, he argued, was constant deficit spending by the federal government. Critics, such as George Terborgh, attacked Hansen as a pessimist and defeatist for advancing his secular stagnation thesis. Hansen replied that secular stagnation was just another name for Keynes's underemployment equilibrium. However, the sustained economic growth beginning in 1940 undercut Hansen's predictions and his stagnation model was forgotten.<ref> W. Robert Brazelton, "Alvin Harvey Hansen: Economic Growth and a More Perfect Society: The Economist's Role in Defining the Stagnation Thesis and in Popularizing Keynesianism," ''American Journal of Economics and Sociology,'' Vol. 48, No. 4 (Oct., 1989), pp. 427-440 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3487557 in JSTOR]</ref>
====Conservative opposition====
Conservative economists at the time opposed this idea, most notably Raymond Moley (a widely read columnist), consultants George Terborgh<ref> Benjamin Higgins, "The Doctrine of Economic Maturity," ''American Economic Review,'' Vol. 36, No. 1 (Mar., 1946), pp. 133-141 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1802261 in JSTOR]</ref> and Wilfrid I. King<ref> Willford I. King, "Are We Suffering From Economic Maturity?," ''Journal of Political Economy,'' Vol. 47, No. 5 (Oct., 1939), pp. 609-622 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1824177 in JSTOR]</ref>, and professors Gottfried Haberler, Frank Knight, Oskar Morgenstern, Henry Simons, Joseph Schumpeter, and William Fellner.<ref>William Fellner, " The Technological Argument of the Stagnation Thesis," ''Quarterly Journal of Economics,'' Vol. 55, No. 4 (Aug., 1941), pp. 638-651 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1884121 in JSTOR]</ref>

==African Americans==

The New Deal set up numerous agencies to help impoverished farmers, but in the long run they had to move to the cities to become better off. Many leading New Dealers, including [[Eleanor Roosevelt]], [[Harold L. Ickes]], [[Aubrey Williams]] and [[Harry Hopkins]] worked hard to ensure Blacks received at least 10% of welfare assistance payments. Economic uplift was one thing but political revolution was another: the New Deal did not try to undercut segregation or change the second class political status of Blacks in the South. Roosevelt did appoint an unprecedented number of African Americans to second-level positions in his administration that collectively were called the Black Cabinet, perhaps due to the influence of Eleanor Roosevelt, a vocal advocate of easing discrimination. Roosevelt and Hopkins worked with big city mayors to welcome Black political organizations that made the transition from the GOP to the Democratic party in 1934-36.

The WPA, NYA, and CCC relief programs allocated 10% of their budgets to blacks (who comprised about 10% of the total population, and 20% of the poor). They operated separate all-black units with the same pay and conditions as white units. The African American community responded favorably, so that by 1936 the majority who voted (usually in the North) were voting Democratic. This was a sharp realignment from 1932, when most African Americans preferred the Republican ticket. The New Deal thus established a political alliance between African Americans and the Democratic Party that survives into the 21st century.

Some liberal historians argue the New Deal laid the ground work for black breakthroughs during World War II, the civil rights movement and the [[Great Society]] of the 1960s. Militant African Americans insist that the Civil Rights movement owed everything to black activists, and very little to the New Deal. Note that the New Deal was especially beneficial to white ethnic minorities, who responded with 80-90% of their votes for Roosevelt's reelection.

==The recession of 1937 ==

[[Image:Newdealcartoon.GIF|thumb|left|250px| Some conservatives, like this cartoonist, argued that the New Deal was all package and little content. Others charged it went much too far. ]]

The Roosevelt administration was under assault during FDR's second term, which presided over a new dip in the Great Depression in the fall of 1937 that continued through most of 1938. Production declined sharply, as did profits and employment. The Government's own statistics were showing that 23.8% of the Workforce was either unemployed, or underemployed. The term for the human suffering at the hands of [[government planners]] was "wastage." According to the Brain Trusters own statistics, of "100 Per Cent Manpower," 23.8 were "Per Cent Wastage." <ref>''Population and the Pattern of Unemployment, 1930-1937'', Rupert B. Vance and Nadia Danilevski, The Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 1. (Jan., 1940), pp. 27-43.</ref> After four years of "government solutions," contemporaneous reports were stating "much of the unemployment in 1937 was due to a decrease in the number of jobs available." <ref>''Population and the Pattern of Unemployment, 1930-1937'', Vance and Danilevski.</ref>

Keynesian economists speculated that this was a result of a premature effort to curb government spending and balance the budget, while conservatives said it was caused by attacks on business and by the huge strikes caused by the organizing activities of the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations|CIO]] and the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL).

Roosevelt rejected the advice of Morgenthau to cut spending, and decided big business was trying to ruin the New Deal by causing another depression that voters would react against by voting Republican. It was a "capital strike" said Roosevelt, and he ordered the FBI to look for a criminal conspiracy (they found none). Roosevelt moved left and unleashed a rhetorical campaign against monopoly power, which was cast as the cause of the new crisis. Ickes attacked automaker Henry Ford, steelmaker Tom Girdler, and the super rich "Sixty Families" who supposedly comprised "the living center of the modern industrial oligarchy which dominates the United States." Left unchecked, Ickes warned, they would create "big-business Fascist America -- an enslaved America." The president appointed Robert Jackson as the aggressive new director of the antitrust division of the Justice Department, but this effort lost its effectiveness once World War II began and big business was urgently needed to produce war supplies. [Kennedy p 352]

But the administration's other response to the 1937 deepening of the Great Depression had more tangible results. Ignoring the vitriolic pleas of the Treasury Department and responding to the urgings of the converts to Keynesian economics and others in his administration, Roosevelt embarked on an antidote to the depression, reluctantly abandoning his efforts to balance the budget and launching a $5 billion spending program in the spring of 1938, an effort to increase mass purchasing power. The New Deal had in fact engaged in deficit spending since 1933, but it was apologetic about it. The debt did NOT rise as a proportion of GDP, but did rise in terms of dollars. Now they had a theory to justify what they were doing. Roosevelt explained his program in a fireside chat in which he explained it was up to the government to "create an economic upturn" by making "additions to the purchasing power of the nation." He was opposed by [[Fiscal Conservatism|fiscal conservatives]] who thought all government spending was inefficient and generated corruption.

Business-oriented observers explained the recession and recovery in very different terms from the Keynesians. They argued that the New Deal had been very hostile to business expansion in 1935-37, had encouraged massive strikes which had a negative impact on major industries such as automobiles, and had threatened massive anti-trust legal attacks on big corporations. All those threats diminished sharply after 1938. For example, the antitrust efforts fizzled out without major cases. The CIO and AFL unions started battling each other more than corporations, and tax policy became more favorable to long-term growth.

The 1937 - 1943 Depression was longer in duration than the 1929 - 1932 crash, the result of massive government intrusion into the private economy which stunted growth. Manufacturing demand stimulated by WWII led to the 1943-1949 recovery, where finally, in 1949, the New York Stock Exchange recovered to the level it had been at 1929.

Many New Deal reforms were unpopular and criticized. In 1948 President [[Harry Truman]] ran on a reformed New Deal platform called the [[Fair Deal]], which was regarded largely as an admission the New Deal had not been fair.

==World War II and the end of the New Deal ==

Prosperity had returned by 1938 for most people--but not for the bottom third, who remained plagued by structural unemployment. The impact of war mobilization and massive war spending doubled the GNP. Businessmen ignored the mounting national debt and heavy new taxes, redoubling their efforts for greater output as an expression of patriotism. Patriotism drove most people to voluntarily work overtime and give up leisure activities to make money after so many hard years. Patriotism meant that people accepted rationing and price controls for the first time. "Cost-plus" pricing in munitions contracts guaranteed that businesses would make a profit no matter how many mediocre workers they employed, no matter how inefficient the techniques they used. The demand was for a vast quantity of war supplies as soon as possible, regardless of cost. Business hired every person in sight, even driving sound trucks up and down city streets begging people to apply for jobs. New workers were needed to replace the 12 million working-age men serving in the military. These events magnified the role of the federal government in the national economy. In 1929, federal expenditures accounted for only 3% of [[GNP]]. Between 1933 and 1939, federal expenditure tripled, and Roosevelt's critics charged that he was turning America into a [[socialism|socialist]] state. However, spending on the New Deal was far smaller than on the war effort.

In the first peacetime year of 1946, federal spending still amounted to $62 billion, or 30% of GNP. Wartime spending and other measures were able to provide an enormous output. Between 1939 and 1944, the peak of wartime production, the nation's total output almost doubled. This, along with the conscription and removal of soldiers, meant that civilian unemployment plummeted—from 14% in 1940 to less than 2% in 1943 as the labor force grew by ten million. Millions of farmers left marginal operations, students quit school, and housewives returned to the labor force. The war economy was not run on the basis of free enterprise, but was the result of government/business cooperation, with government bankrolling business.

A major result of the full employment at high wages was a sharp, permanent decrease in the level of income inequality. The gap between rich and poor narrowed dramatically in the area of nutrition, because food rationing and price controls guaranteed a reasonably priced diet to everyone. Large families that had been poverty-stricken in the 1930s had four or five or more workers, and shot to the top one-third income bracket. Overtime made for huge paychecks in the munitions factories; white collar workers were fully employed too, but they did not receive overtime and their salary scale was no longer much higher than the blue collar wage scale.

Economist Robert Higgs (1987), argues that the War did not end the Great Depression. Rather, a return to normality after the war, as the government relaxed wage controls, price controls, capital controls, reduced tariffs and other trade barriers, and eliminated the rationing of goods and the relaxing of Federal control over American industries, ended it.

==Conflicting interpretation of the New Deal economic policies==

=== Depression Statistics ===

[[File:Econ30s.jpg|thumb|400px|major economic indicators, 1929-52]]

Economic indicators show the American economy reached nadir in summer 1932 to February 1933, then began recovering until the Roosevelt recession of 1937-1938. Thus the Federal Reserve [[Industrial Production Index]] hit its low of 52.8 on [[1932-07-01]] and was practically unchanged at 54.3 on [[1933-03-01]]; however by [[1933-07-01]], it reached 85.5 (with 1935-39 = 100, and for comparison 2005 = 1,342).<ref>[http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/data/INDPRO.txt Industrial Production Index]</ref>

In Roosevelt's twelve years in office the economy had an 8.5% compound annual growth of GDP,<ref>''Historical Statistics of the United States'' (1976) series F31</ref> the highest growth rate in the history of any industrial country,<ref> Angus Maddison, ''The World Economy: Historical Statistics'' (OECD 2003); Japan is close, see p 174</ref> however, recovery was slow --by 1939 GDP per adult was still 27% below trend.<ref name="Cole">Cole, Harold L and Ohanian, Lee E. [http://www.economics.hawaii.edu/research/seminars/02-03/02-21.pdf ''New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis''], 2004.</ref> And, throughout the New Deal the median joblessness rate was 17.2 percent and never went below 14 percent.

[[File:GDP20-40.JPG|thumb|350px|left]]

{| class="wikitable"

!width="100%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |Table 1: Statistics<ref>U.S. Dept of Commerce, National Income and Product Accounts [http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/GDPreal.htm Real GDP and GNP]; Mitchell 446, 449, 451; [http://home.att.net/~rdavis2/cpi_m2.html Consumer Price Index AND M2 Money Supply: 1800-2003]</ref>

!width="9%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1929

!width="6%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1931

!width="6%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1933

!width="5%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1937

!width="6%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1938

!width="3%" style="background:#eeeeee;" |1940

|-

|align="center"|Real Gross National Product (GNP) (1)

|align="center"|101.4

|align="center"| 84.3

|align="center"| 68.3

|align="center"|103.9

|align="center"|96.7

|align="center"|113.0

|-

|align="center"|Consumer Price Index (2)

|align="center"|122.5

|align="center"|108.7

|align="center"| 92.4

|align="center"|102.7

|align="center"| 99.4

|align="center"|100.2

|-

|align="center"|Index of Industrial Production (2)

|align="center"|109

|align="center"| 75

|align="center"| 69

|align="center"|112

|align="center"| 89

|align="center"|126

|-

|align="center"|Money Supply M2 ($ billions)

|align="center"|46.6

|align="center"|42.7

|align="center"|32.2

|align="center"|45.7

|align="center"|49.3

|align="center"|55.2

|-

|align="center"|Exports ($ billions)

|align="center"|5.24

|align="center"|2.42

|align="center"|1.67

|align="center"|3.35

|align="center"|3.18

|align="center"|4.02

|-

|align="center"|Unemployment (% of civilian work force)

|align="center"| 3.1

|align="center"|16.1

|align="center"|25.2

|align="center"|13.8

|align="center"|16.5

|align="center"|13.9

|}

(1) in 1929 dollars

(2) 1935-39 = 100

===Relief Statistics===

Table 3: Families on Relief 1936-41:

===Prolonged/Worsened the Depression===

A 1995 survey of economic historians and economists asked "Taken as a whole, government policies of the New Deal served to lengthen and deepen the Great Depression." Of the economists 27% agreed and 51% disagreed. Of the economic historians, only 6% agreed and 74% disagreed. (the rest were in the partly agree/disagree group).<ref> See [http://eh.net/lists/archives/eh.res/feb-1997/0010.php]</ref>

The minority view is represented by Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian who conclude that the "New Deal labor and industrial policies did not lift the economy out of the Depression as President Roosevelt and his economic planners had hoped," but that the "New Deal policies are an important contributing factor to the persistence of the Great Depression." They conclude that the New Deal "cartelization policies are a key factor behind the weak recovery." They say that the "abandonment of these policies coincided with the strong economic recovery of the 1940s."<ref>Cole, Harold L and Ohanian, Lee E. [http://www.economics.hawaii.edu/research/seminars/02-03/02-21.pdf ''New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis''], 2004.</ref> Lowell E. Gallaway and Richard K. Vedder conclude that the "Great Depression was very significantly prolonged in both its duration and its magnitude by the impact of New Deal programs." They argue that without Social Security, work relief, unemployment insurance, and especially without the labor unions, business would have hired more workers and the unemployment rate would have been lower. <ref>''Gallaway, Lowell E. and Vedder, Richard K. ''Out of Work: Unemployment and Government in Twentieth-Century America'', New York University Press; Updated edition (July 1997).</ref> Few economists or economic historians have agreed with these speculations. The New Deal years 1933-36 (or indeed the FDR years 1933-45) showed the highest growth rates in the history of the American economy.

===Unemployment continues===

Darby counts WPA workers as employed; Lebergott as unemployed

source: ''Historical Statistics US'' (1976) series D-86; Smiley 1983<ref> Smiley, Gene, "Recent Unemployment Rate Estimates for the 1920s and 1930s," ''Journal of Economic History,'' June 1983, 43, 487-93.</ref>

The New Deal tried public works, farm subsidies and other devices to reduce unemployment, but FDR never completely gave up trying to balance the budget. Unemployment remained high throughout the New Deal years; business simply would not hire more people, especially the low skilled and supposedly "untrainable" men who had been unemployed for years and lost any job skill they once had. [[Keynesian]]s later argued that by spending vastly more money--using [[fiscal policy]]--the government could provide the needed stimulus through the "multiplier" effect. Critics of Keynesianism said that would just take money out of the private sector, causing a negative multiplier effect there. However, no economist has written a full-scale Keynesian analysis of the depression, so it is difficult to evaluate how that model would work.

Unemployment peaked in 1933, at 24.9%, and by 1941 unemployment had subsided to 9.9%, which was near the 1930 level of 8.9%. [http://www.bls.gov/opub/cwc/cm20030124ar03p1.htm] Unemployment increased 163% over the average of what it had been in 1930 by the third year of the New Deal. By contrast, recovery was well underway in Great Britain, with an increase of only 1.1%.

In recent years more influential among economists has been the monetarist interpretation of [[Milton Friedman]], which did include a full-scale monetary history of what he calls the "Great Contraction." Friedman concentrated on the failures before 1933, and in his memoirs said the relief programs were an appropriate response. From 1935 to 1943, Friedman was himself a Keynesian who was (1941-43) an official spokesman for the New Deal before Congress; he did not at that time criticize any New Deal or Federal Reserve policies.

Apart from building up labor unions, the New Deal did not substantially alter the distribution of power within American [[capitalism]].

Keynes visited to the White House in 1934 to urge President Roosevelt to do more deficit spending. Roosevelt complained to Labor Secretary [[Frances Perkins]], "He left a whole rigmarole of figures--he must be a mathematician rather than a political economist." That is, Keynes had an abstract theory but no useful suggestions about what to do.

[[File:Tax-spend.jpg|thumb|380px|right|Although Hopkins denied saying "Spend-Spend-Spend; Tax-Tax-Tax; Elect-Elect-Elect," conservative critics thought it fit the New Deal very well]]

<TABLE BORDER="0">

<TR> <TH colspan="3" align="center">

Table 2: Unemployment (% labor force)</TH> </TR>

<TR> <TD>Year

</TD><TD>

Lebergott</TD><TD>

Darby</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1933</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,24.9">

24.9</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,20.6">

20.6</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1934</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,21.7">

21.7</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,16">

16.0</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1935</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,20.1">

20.1</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,14.2">

14.2</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1936</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,16.9">

16.9</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,9.9">

9.9</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1937</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,14.3">

14.3</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,9.1">

9.1</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1938</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,19">

19.0</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,12.5">

12.5</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1939</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,17.2">

17.2</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,11.3">

11.3</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1940</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,14.6">

14.6</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,9.5">

9.5</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1941</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,9.9">

9.9</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,8">

8.0</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1942</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,4.7">

4.7</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,4.7">

4.7</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1943</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.9">

1.9</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.9">

1.9</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1944</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.2">

1.2</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.2">

1.2</TD> </TR>

<TR> <TD>

1945</TD> <TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.9">

1.9</TD><TD QP::NUMFORMAT:="97,-1,1.9">

1.9</TD> </TR>

</TABLE>

===Fiscal Conservatism===

Fiscal conservatism was a key component of the New Deal, as Zelizer (2000) demonstrates. It was supported by Wall Street and local investors and most of the business community; mainstream academic economists believed in it, as apparently did the majority of the public. Conservative southern Democrats, who favored balanced budgets and opposed new taxes, controlled Congress and its major committees. Even liberal Democrats at the time regarded balanced budgets as essential to economic stability in the long run, although they were more willing to accept short-term deficits. Public opinion polls consistently showed public opposition to deficits and debt. Throughout his terms, Roosevelt recruited fiscal conservatives to serve in his administration, most notably [[Lewis Douglas]] the Director of Budget from 1933 to 1934, and [[Henry Morgenthau Jr.]], Secretary of the Treasury from 1934 to 1945. They defined policy in terms of budgetary cost and tax burdens rather than needs, rights, obligations, or political benefits. Personally the president embraced their fiscal conservatism. Politically, he realized that fiscal conservatism enjoyed a strong wide base of support among voters, leading Democrats, and businessmen. On the other hand there was enormous pressure to act–and spending money on high visibility programs attracted Roosevelt, especially if it tied millions of voters to him, as did the WPA.

Douglas proved too inflexible, and quit in 1934. Morgenthau made it his highest priority to stay close to Roosevelt, no matter what. Douglas' position, like many of the [[Old Right]] was grounded in a basic distrust of politicians and the deeply ingrained fear that government spending always involved a degree of patronage and corruption that offended his Progressive sense of efficiency. The Economy Act of 1933, passed early in the Hundred Days, was Douglas' great achievement. It reduced federal expenditures by $500 million, to be achieved by reducing veterans’ payments and federal salaries. Douglas cut government spending through executive orders that cut the military budget by $125 million, $75 million from the Post Office, $12 million from Commerce, $75 million from government salaries, and $100 million from staff layoffs. As Freidel concludes, "The economy program was not a minor aberration of the spring of 1933, or a hypocritical concession to delighted conservatives. Rather it was an integral part of Roosevelt's overall New Deal."<ref>Freidel 1990, p. 96</ref> Revenues were so low that borrowing was necessary (only the richest 3% paid any income tax before 1942.) Douglas therefore hated the relief programs, which he said reduced business confidence, threatened the government’s future credit, and had the "destructive psychological effects of making mendicants of self-respecting American citizens."<ref>Zelizer</ref> Roosevelt was pulled toward greater spending by Hopkins and Ickes, and as the 1936 election approached he decided to gain votes by attacking big business.

[[File:Debt29-50.jpg|thumb|400px|left|National Debt as a percentage of GNP climbs from 20% to 40% as Hoover begins relief efforts with the [[Reconstruction Finance Corporation]] and levels off during the New Deal; soars during WW2 from ''Historical Statistics US'' (1976)]]

Morgenthau shifted with FDR, but at all times tried to inject fiscal responsibility; he deeply believed in balanced budgets, stable currency, reduction of the national debt, and the need for more private investment . The Wagner Act met Morgenthau’s requirement because it strengthened the party’s political base and involved no new spending. In contrast to Douglas, Morgenthau accepted Roosevelt’s double budget as legitimate–that is a balanced regular budget, and an “emergency” budget for agencies, like the WPA, PWA and CCC, that would be temporary until full recovery was at hand. He fought against the veterans’ bonus until Congress finally overrode Roosevelt’s veto and gave out $2.2 billion in 1936. His biggest success was the new Social Security program; he managed to reverse the proposals to fund it from general revenue and insisted it be funded by new taxes on employees. It was Morgenthau who insisted on excluding farm workers and domestic servants from Social Security because workers outside industry would not be paying their way.<ref>Zelizer 2000; Savage 1998</ref>

Deficits held relatively constant throughout the 1930s at about 40% of the GDP.<ref>Economists at the time used GNP (gross national product) and today they prefer GDP (gross domestic product). For the US, GNP and GDP are almost the same.</ref>

===Claims the New Deal adopted or resembled Fascist economic models===

The term "fascism" in the 21st century has very strong connotations of mass murder and death camps, however, in the 1930s it meant the [[planned economy]] and [[corporativism]] exemplified by the economic plans of Benito Mussolini in Italy. And, comparisons have been made between the economic systems of Fascist Italy and the New Deal programs. Communists, classical liberals, conservatives, and [[Herbert Hoover]] used the term fascism in that manner at that time. Likewise, modern-day [[paleoconservatives]] argue that the New Deal was a major milestone in the rise of America's [[managerial state]].

Journalist [[John T. Flynn]], a former socialist, in his 1944 book ''As We Go Marching'', said that "the New Dealers...began to flirt with the alluring pastime of reconstructing the capitalist system...and in the process of this new career they began to fashion doctrines that turned out to be the principles of fascism." Former President Herbert Hoover argued that some (but not all) New Deal programs were "fascist," and that there was a presidential dictatorship. [''Memoirs'' 3:420]

<blockquote>

"Among the early Roosevelt fascist measures was the National Industry Recovery Act (NRA) of June 16, 1933 .... These ideas were first suggested by Gerald Swope (of the General Electric Company)....[and] the United States Chamber of Commerce. During the campaign of 1932, Henry I. Harriman, president of that body, urged that I agree to support these proposals, informing me that Mr. Roosevelt had agreed to do so. I tried to show him that this stuff was pure fascism; that it was a remaking of Mussolini's "corporate state" and refused to agree to any of it. He informed me that in view of my attitude, the business world would support Roosevelt with money and influence. That for the most part proved true."

</blockquote>

Whatever Hoover was told, Roosevelt had ''not'' agreed to any such plan. In 1934, Roosevelt himself warned his "fireside chat" radio audiences against linguistic confusion. Some people, he said:

<blockquote>

will try to give you new and strange names for what we are doing. Sometimes they will call it 'Fascism,' sometimes 'Communism,' sometimes 'Regimentation,' sometimes 'Socialism.' But, in so doing, they are trying to make very complex and theoretical something that is really very simple and very practical. . . . Plausible self-seekers and theoretical die-hards will tell you of the loss of individual liberty. Answer this question out of the facts of your own life. Have you lost any of your rights or liberty or constitutional freedom of action and choice?<ref>Kennedy 1999, p 246.</ref>

</blockquote>

In September 1934 Roosevelt defended a more powerful national government as he believed was necessary to control the economy, by quoting conservative Republican Elihu Root:

<blockquote>

The tremendous power of organization [Root had said] has combined great aggregations of capital in enormous industrial establishments . . . so great in the mass that each individual concerned in them is quite helpless by himself. . . . The old reliance upon the free action of individual wills appears quite inadequate. . . . The intervention of that organized control we call government seems necessary. . . . Men may differ as to the particular form of governmental activity with respect to industry or business, but nearly all are agreed that private enterprise in times such as these cannot be left without assistance and without reasonable safeguards lest it destroy not only itself but also our process of civilization.<ref>Kennedy 1999, p 246.</ref>

</blockquote>

One historian remarks, "What Fascist corporatism and the New Deal had in common was a certain amount of state intervention in the economy. Beyond that, the only figure who seemed to look on Fascist corporatism as a kind of model was [[Hugh Samuel Johnson|Hugh Johnson]], FDR's head of the National Recovery Administration."<ref>Stanley Payne, ''History of Fascism'' (1995) p 230.</ref> Johnson strenuously denied any association with Mussolini, saying the NRA "is being organized almost as you would organize a business. I want to avoid any Mussolini appearance -- the President calls this Act industrial self-government."<ref>Hugh S. Johnson, ''The Blue Eagle, from Egg to Earth'' (1935), p 223</ref> Donald Richberg after a series of scandals replaced General Hugh Johnson as head of NRA and speaking before a Senate committee said "A nationally [[planned economy]] is the only salvation of our present situation and the only hope for the future."<ref>Leuchtenburg p. 58</ref> Historians such as Hawley (1966) have examined the origins of the NRA in detail, claiming the main inspiration came from Senators [[Hugo Black]] and [[Robert F. Wagner]] and from American business leaders such as the Chamber of Commerce. The main model was Woodrow Wilson's [[War Industries Board]], in which Johnson had been involved.

==The legacies of the New Deal==
[[File:FDR-LBJ.png|thumb|left|220px|The New Deal was the inspiration for [[Lyndon B. Johnson]]'s [[Great Society]] in 1960s. Johnson (on right) headed the Texas NYA and was elected to Congress in 1938.]]

Some economists argue that although the New Deal did not end the depression, all in all it helped to prevent the economy from decaying further by increasing the regulatory functions of the federal government in ways that helped stabilize previous trouble areas of the economy: the stock market, the banking system, and others. Others argue that it worsened the depression. All analysts agree the New Deal produced a new political coalition that sustained the Democratic Party as the majority party in national politics for more than a generation after its own end.

Roosevelt's 12 years in office saw a dramatic increase in the power of the federal government as a whole. Roosevelt also established the presidency as the preeminent center of authority within the federal government. By creating a large array of agencies protecting various groups of citizens—workers, farmers, and others—who suffered from the crisis, enabling them to challenge the powers of the corporations, the Roosevelt administration generated a set of political ideas—known to later generations as New Deal liberalism—that remained a source of inspiration and controversy for decades and that helped shape the next great experiment in liberal reform, the [[Great Society]] of the 1960s. The wartime [[FEPC]] executive orders that forbade job discrimination against African Americans, women and ethnic groups was a major breakthrough that brought better jobs and pay to millions of minority Americans. Historians usually treat FEPC as part of the war effort and not part of the New Deal itself.

==="New Deal" as Political Metaphor===

Since 1933 politicians and pundits have often called for a "new deal" regarding this or that political object. That is, they demand a completely new, large-scale approach to a project. As Arthur A. Ekirch Jr. (1971) has shown, the New Deal stimulated utopianism in American political and social thought on a wide range of issues.

In Canada, Conservative Prime Minister [[Richard B. Bennett]] in 1935 proposed a "new deal" of regulation , taxation, and social insurance that was a copy of the American program; Bennett's proposals were not enacted and he was defeated for reelection in October 1935.

In accordance with the rise of the use of U.S. political phraseology in Britain, the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]] Government has termed some of its employment programs 'New Deal'.

==Brain trust==

Roosevelt gathered around himself informal advisors, mostly university professors, dubbed by the media the [[Brain Trust]]. A key advisor was [[Raymond Moley]], who by 1936 broke with Roosevelt and provided the most important conservative critique.

==Main programs==
===National Recovery Act===

In 1933 Italian Premier [[Benito Mussolini]] was a towering figure. Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, <ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,774563-4,00.html Axis (1936-1943)], ''[[TIME magazine]]'', Sep. 20, 1943,</ref> President of Columbia University and [[Nobel Prize for Peace]], said of [[fascism]], it is as a “form of government of the very first order of excellence”; and found it “safe to predict that just as [[Oliver Cromwell|Cromwell]] made modern England, so Mussolini would make modern Italy.” <ref>[http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/wright/1943/10/italy.htm What To Do With Italy?], John G. Wright, From Fourth International, Vol.4 No.10, October 1943, pp.308-311.</ref> Chariman [[Sol Bloom]] of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the U. S. House of Representatives, suggested Mussolini was a great man and had something the [[United States]] government might well look to for imitation. <ref>John T. Flynn, ''As We Go Marching'', Doubleday, 1944, p. 70.</ref> What they liked particularly was his [[corporative]] system. Mussolini organized each trade or industrial group or professional group into a state supervised trade association. Mussolini called it a corporative. <ref>[http://www.cmre.org/GeneSmileypresentation.pdf The New Deal and Corporatism], Prof. Emeritus Gene Smiley, Marquette University, Presented at the Committee for Monetary Research and Education,October 19, 2006,</ref> These corporatives operated under state supervision and provided economic planning of production, quality, prices, distribution, labor standards, etc. The National Recovery Act, or NRA as it came to be called, provided that a corporative system in America for each industry should be organized into a federally supervised trade association. It was not called a corporative. It was called a [[Code Authority]]. In [[Nazi]] Germany such government run planning authorities built on the Italian model were called [[industrial cartel]]s. This was the same as fascism. <ref>[http://www.rooseveltmyth.com/book/hbzfrm.htm ''The Roosevelt Myth''], John T. Flynn, Fox and Wilkes, 1948, Book 1, Ch. 5.</ref> These code authorities could regulate production, quantities, qualities, prices, distribution methods, etc., under the supervision of the NRA that had the effect of ending the downward spiral of deflation and falling prices, but which risked the long-term effect of stifling innovation and favoring big business over small. Anti-trust laws forbade such organizations. Roosevelt had denounced Hoover for not enforcing these laws sufficiently. Now Roosevelt suspended the anti-trust laws and compelled men to combine.

The NRA Act provided an appropriation of $3,300,000,000 which the President was given to be spent at his own discretion. He had a sum of money equal to what the government spent in the previous ten years outside of discretionary spending. Roosevelt decided how it should be spent and where. If a congressman or senator needed an appropriation for his district, instead of introducing a bill in Congress, he went to Roosevelt to ask for it. All over the country, states, cities, counties, business organizations, institutions of all sorts wanted projects of all kinds. Instead of going to Congress they went to the President.

In 1935 the Supreme Court said the NRA's procedures were unconstitutional, and it was never revived. In the twenty-three months that NRA was on the Statute books, the average number of workers involved in strikes and lockouts and the number of days of idleness and lost productivity per month resulting were approximately four times as large as during the six months before NRA. After NRA was declared unconstitutional, both the number of workers involved in industrial disputes and the number of days lost declined.<ref>Bureau of Labor Statistics, United States Department of Labor.</ref>

Roosevelt asked [[Clarence Darrow]] to head up a national recovery review board. The Darrow Committee's report stated, "We have here a body not only perfectly equipped to exercise monopolistic control, but endowed with extraordinary powers incompatible with the ideals heretofore entertained in a free country. . . In proportion as the authority of government sanctions regulation by industrial combinations, the inevitable tendency is toward monopoly with the elimination of the small business ." <ref>Special and Supplementary Reports of Darrow

Committee, appointed by the President, released May 20, 1934. [http://robsrealnews.com/revisedNEWDEAL8.htm]</ref>

Donald Richberg, former Counsel and later Administrator of NRA admitted candidly, "Yet step by step through the diabolical logic of events the NRA became the apparent exponent and protector of 'price fixing' - that hateful objective of that most hated ogre, a big business monopoly."<ref>Donald R. Richberg, ''The Rainbow'', (1936), pg. 31.</ref>

===Civilian Conservation Corps===

One of FDR’s favorites was the [[Civilian Conservation Corps]] (CCC), a relatively small program designed to keep unemployed young men out of trouble while giving them food and clothing and discipline, and their families some cash. Roosevelt described work camps as a means for getting youth "off the city street corners."

Young men were enrolled as amateur forest rangers, marsh-drainers, and the like, on projects designed to improve the countryside. The recruits were given room and board, clothing, and a dollar a day (they kept $5 a month, and the parents received the other $25). More than two and half million of them passed through the camps of the Civilian Conservation Corps, until the program was abolished in 1942, when the men were needed for the draft.

The CCC was highly popular among Americans, both liberals and conservatives.

In 1973, John A. Garraty published an important article on the CCC in the ''American Historical Review'' <ref>''The New Deal, National Socialism, and the Great Depression'', John A. Garraty, American Historical Review, Vol. 78, October 1973. </ref> Garraty was Gouverneur Morris Professor of American history at Columbia and later general editor of the ''American National Biography''. Yet, while an admirer of FDR, Garraty was compelled to note the striking similarities between the CCC and parallel programs set up by the [[Nazi]]s for German youth. Both were essentially designed to keep young men out of the labor market. Roosevelt described work camps as a means for getting youth “off the city street corners,” [[Hitler]] as a way of keeping them from “rotting helplessly in the streets.” In both countries much was made of the beneficial social results of mixing thousands of young people from different walks of life in the camps. . . . Furthermore, both were organized on semi-military lines with the subsidiary purposes of improving the physical fitness of potential soldiers and stimulating public commitment to national service in an emergency.

Garraty listed many other similarities between the New Deal and [[National Socialism]]. Like Roosevelt, Hitler prided himself on being a “pragmatist” in economic affairs, trying out one panacea after another. Through a multitude of new agencies and mountains of new regulations, both in [[Germany]] and America, owners and managers of enterprises found their freedom to make decisions sharply curtailed.

The Nazis encouraged working-class mobility, through vocational training, the democratizing youth camps, and a myriad of youth organizations. They usually favored workers as against employers in industrial disputes and, in another parallel to the New Deal, supported higher agricultural prices. Both FDR and Hitler “tended to romanticize rural life and the virtues of an agricultural existence“ and harbored dreams of the rural resettlement of urban populations, which proved disappointing. Characteristically for the collectivist movements of the time, “enormous [[propaganda]] campaigns” were mounted in the United States, Germany, and [[Italy]] (as well as in Russia) to fire up enthusiasm for the government’s programs.

It is no wonder, then, as Professor Garraty writes, that “during the first years of the New Deal the German press praised [Roosevelt] and the New Deal to the skies. . . . Early New Deal policies seemed to the Nazis essentially like their own and the role of Roosevelt not very different from the [[Führer]]’s.”

[[Image:Woman Child.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Mother of seven children without food, California, ca. February 1936. ''[http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/list/128_migm.html Farm Security Administration Collection], Library of Congress'']]

===Works Progress Administration===

The Works Progress Administration ([[WPA]]) operated 1935-43 and was the largest and most controversial of the relief programs. Until now relief had been a local responsibility, although both Hoover and FDR had provided federal funding. Now the national government took full control; conservatives charged it was done to build a vast national political machine for Roosevelt. TheWPA had a larger size and budget($5 billion at first) than previous efforts such as FERA and CWA. [[Harry Hopkins]], a liberal close to FDR, was the director. The WPA was responsible for the building and renovation of over 100,000 public buildings and the construction of 600 airports, more than 500,000 miles of roads, and over 100,000 bridges. The WPA was also well known for its flexibility. It employed not only construction workers but also artists and authors as well as operating separate sewing projects for women. The [[NYA|National Youth Administration]] (NYA) was a unit of the WPA for young men and women (in contrast to its rival the CCC, which only enrolled young men).

===No training===

A major failing of the New Deal, and especially the CCC and WPA, was the deliberate decision not to provide job training. The reason was that liberals (and especially labor unions) thought there were already too many unemployed skilled workers and there was no need for more. In retrospect this was one of the major failings of the New Deal, and was reversed in World War II, when the government subsidized job training on a very large scale in industry and the military. Ever since 1996 the consensus has been that job training is an essential part of any program designed to help the poor.

{| style="background:white; color:blue" border="1" class="wikitable"

|-

!

! United States

! Great Britain

|-

| Unemployment (1930 average)

| 4,770,000

| 1,993,951

|-

| Unemployment February 1936

| 12,550,000

| 2,016,578

|-

| '''Percent increase'''

| 163 % <ref>American Federation of Labor.</ref>

| 1.1% <ref>League of Natione, ''Bulletin of

Statistics''.</ref>

|-

|}

==Art and music==
The [[Works Progress Administration]] subsidized artists, musicians, painters and writers on relief with a group of projects called [[Federal One]]. While the WPA program was by the most widespread, it was preceded by three programs administered by the [[United States Department of the Treasury|US Treasury]] which hired commercial artists at usual commissions to add murals and sculptures to federal buildings. The first of these efforts was the [[Public Works of Art Project]], organized by Edward Bruce, an American businessman and artist. The [[Resettlement Administration]] (RA) and [[Farm Security Administration]] (FSA) had major photography programs. The New Deal arts programs emphasized regionalism, socialist realism, class conflict, proletarian interpretations, and audience participation. The unstoppable collective powers of common man, contrasted to the failure of individualism], was a favorite theme.<ref>Mathews 1975</ref>

The FSA photography project is most responsible for creating the image of the Depression in the USA. Many of the images appeared in popular magazines. The photographers were under instruction from Washington as to what overall impression the New Deal wanted to give out. Director [[Roy Stryker]]'s agenda focused on his faith in [[social engineering]], the poor conditions among cotton tenant farmers, and the very poor conditions among migrant farm workers; above all he was committed to social reform through New Deal intervention in people's lives. Stryker demanded photographs that "related people to the land and vice versa" because these photographs reinforced the RA's position that poverty could be controlled by "changing land practices." Though Stryker did not dictate to his photographers how they should compose the shots, he did send them lists of desirable themes, e.g., "church", "court day", "barns".<ref> Cara A. Finnegan. ''Picturing Poverty: Print Culture and FSA Photographs'' (Smithsonian Books, 2003) pp 43-44 </ref> New Deal era films such as ''[[Citizen Kane]]'' ridiculed so-called "great men", while class warfare appeared in numerous movies, such as ''[[Meet John Doe]]'' and ''[[The Grapes of Wrath]]''.

By contrast there was also a smaller but influential stream of anti-New Deal art. Thus [[Gutzon Borglum]]'s sculptures on [[Mount Rushmore]] emphasized great men in history (his designs had the approval of [[Calvin Coolidge]]). [[Gertrude Stein]] and [[Ernest Hemingway]] disliked the New Deal and celebrated the organic autonomy of perfected written work in opposition to the New Deal trope of writing as performative labor. The [[Southern Agrarians]] celebrated a premodern regionalism and opposed the TVA as a modernizing, disruptive force. Under Chief Justice [[Charles Evans Hughes]], the Supreme Court built one of the most architecturally striking buildings; its classical lines and small size contrasted sharply with the gargantuan modernistic federal buildings in Washington. Hollywood managed to synthesize both streams, as in [[Busby Berkeley]]'s ''Gold Digger'' musicals, where the storylines exalt individual autonomy while the spectacular musical numbers show abstract populations of interchangeable dancers securely contained within patterns beyond their control.<ref>Szalay 2000</ref>

==See also==

*[[New Ordeal]]

==Notable New Deal programs==

[[File:Newdealstamp.png|thumb|240px]]

The New Deal had countless programs, labeled an "alphabet soup" by its detractors. Among the New Deal acts were the following, most of them passed within the first 100 days of FDR's administration. Most were abolished around 1943, others remain in operation in 2009:

*[[Reconstruction Finance Corporation]] a Hoover agency expanded under [[Jesse Holman Jones]] to make large loans to big business. Ended in 1954.

*[[FERA|Federal Emergency Relief Administration]] (FERA). ERA, a Hoover loan program to states for relief; replaced by FERA in 1933 to give grants to states to operate relief projects for the unskilled; replaced by WPA in 1935.

* Bank Holiday, 1933: closed all banks until they became certified by federal reviewers

* Abandonment of gold standard, 1933: gold reserves no longer backed currency; still exists

* [[Civilian Conservation Corps]] (CCC), 1933: employed young men to perform unskilled work in rural areas; under Army supervision; separate program for Native Americans

* [[Tennessee Valley Authority]] (TVA), 1933: effort to modernize very poor region (most of Tennessee), centered on dams that generated electricity on the [[Tennessee River]]; still exists

* [[Agricultural Adjustment Act]] (AAA), 1933: raised farm prices by cutting total farm output of major crops (and hogs)

* [[National Recovery Act]] (NRA), 1933: industries set up codes to reduce unfair competition, raise wages and prices;

* [[Public Works Administration]] (PWA), 1933: built large public works projects; used private contractors (did not directly hire unemployed)

* [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] (FDIC) / [[Glass-Steagall Act]]: insures deposits in banks in order to restore public confidence in banks; still exists

* [[Securities Act of 1933]], created the SEC, 1933: codified standards for sale and purchase of stock, required risk of investments to be accurately disclosed; still exists

* [[Civil Works Administration]] (CWA), 1933-34: provided temporary jobs to millions of unemployed

* [[Indian Reorganization Act]], 1934 moved away from assimilation

* [[Social Security (United States)|Social Security Act]] (SSA), 1935: provided financial assistance to: elderly, handicapped, paid for by employee and employer payroll contributions; required years contributions, so first payouts were 1942; still exists

* [[Works Progress Administration]] (WPA), 1935: a national labor program for 2+ million unemployed; created useful construction work for unskilled men; also sewing projects for women and arts projects for unemployed artists, musicians and writers.

* [[National Labor Relations Act]] (NLRA) / Wagner Act, 1935: set up National Labor Relations Board to supervise labor-management relations; In 1930s it strongly favored [[trade union|labor union]]s. Modified by the [[Taft-Hartley Act]] (1947); still exists

* Judicial Reorganization Bill, 1937: gave President power to appoint a new Supreme Court judge for every judge 70 years or older; failed to pass Congress

* [[Fair Labor Standards Act]] ([http://www.finduslaw.com/fair_labor_standards_act_flsa_29_u_s_code_chapter_8 29 U.S. Code Chapter 8]), 1938: established a maximum normal work week of 40 hours, and a minimum pay of 40 cents/hour; still exists

==Further reading==

See the detailed guide at [[New Deal Bibliography]]
* Alter, Jonathan. ''The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope'' (2006), popular account
* Badger, Anthony J. ''The New Deal: The Depression Years, 1933-1940.'' (2002) good general survey from British perspective
* Best, Gary Dean. ''The Critical Press and the New Deal: The Press Versus Presidential Power, 1933-1938'' (1993) looks at conservative papers and magazines [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-critical-press-and-the-new-deal-the-press-versus-presidential-power-1933-1938-by-gary-dean-best.jsp online edition]
* Chafe, William H. ''The Achievement of American Liberalism: The New Deal and Its Legacies.'' (2002) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=99839056 online edition], liberal peaise
* Conkin, Paul K. ''The New Deal.'' (1967), a brief New Left critique.
* Dubofsky, Melvyn, ed. ''The New Deal: Conflicting Interpretations and Shifting Perspectives.'' (1992), reader
* Eden, Robert, ed. ''New Deal and Its Legacy: Critique and Reappraisal'' (1989), essays by conservative scholars
* Folsom, Burton W. ''New Deal or Raw Deal?: How FDR's Economic Legacy Has Damaged America'' (2009) [http://www.amazon.com/New-Deal-Raw-Economic-Damaged/dp/1416592377/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1253186145&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]
* Graham, Otis L. and Meghan Robinson Wander, eds. ''Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times.'' (1985). A very useful encyclopedic reference.
* Himmelberg, Robert F. ''The Great Depression and the New Deal'' (2001) 185 pp. [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101548706 online edition], reader
* Kennedy, David M. ''Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945.'' (1999), the best scholarly overview; [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=52284041 online edition]
* Kirkendall, Richard S. . "The New Deal As Watershed: The Recent Literature," ''The Journal of American History,'' Vol. 54, No. 4. (Mar., 1968), pp. 839-852. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8723%28196803%2954%3A4%3C839%3ATNDAWT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F in JSTOR], historiography
* Leuchtenberg, William E. ''Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940''. (1963). The standard scholarly history.
* McElvaine Robert S. ''The Great Depression'' 2nd ed (1993), social history, by a liberal
* McJimsey, George. ''The Presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt'', (2000)
* Milkis, Sidney M. and Jerome M. Mileur, eds. ''The New Deal and the Triumph of Liberalism'' (2002)
* Mitchell, Broadus. ''Depression Decade: From New Era through New Deal, 1929-1941'' (1964), overview of economic history [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=98065455 online edition]
* Moley, Raymond. ''After Seven Years'' (1939), conservative memoir by ex-Brain Truster [http://www.questia.com/library/book/after-seven-years-by-raymond-moley.jsp online edition]
* Powell, Jim ''FDR's Folly: How Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression'' (2003) sharp attack from the right
* Shlaes, Amity. ''The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression'' (2007), 480pp, popular conservative attack
* Sitkoff, Harvard. ed. ''Fifty Years Later: The New Deal Evaluated.'' (1984). A friendly liberal evaluation.

==External links==
* [http://newdeal.feri.org/ New Deal Network] massive collection of photos and primary sources
*[http://www.nisk.k12.ny.us/fdr/ FDR cartoon archive] hundreds of editorial cartoons from all political points of view (copyright has expired)
* [http://www.digitalbookindex.com/_SEARCH/search010histus20-30sdepressiona.asp online full-text primary sources]

==Notes==

<references/>

[[Category:New Deal]]
[[Category:Great Depression]]
[[category:Welfare State]]

Shroud of Turin

2010-02-26T23:19:35Z

CameronT: spelling: "artistic"

[[image:Shroud of Turin face.jpg|right|300px|thumb|Negative image of the face of the Shroud; the photographic qualities of the Shroud were unknown until 1898.]]
The '''Shroud of Turin''' is a long cloth that contains the image of an apparently [[crucifixion|crucified]] man who had also been scourged and crowned with thorns.<ref>http://www.shroud.com/</ref> Many believe it was the burial cloth for [[Jesus]]. It has been the source of intense scientific controversy and there have many modern attempts to prove or disprove its authenticity. It was owned and maintained by families in [[Italy]] for centuries and given only in the late 20th century to the [[Roman Catholic Church]], which has never taken a position for or against its authenticity.

The Shroud has several unique characteristics. First, its image is brighter in as a [[photography|photographic]] negative, suggesting some extraordinary type of interplay of light in the burning of the image. Second, the nail wounds are through the man's wrists rather than his hands, despite the unanimous and inaccurate [[medieval]] depiction of the nail wounds for crucified victims as being through the hands. Modern analysis indicates that the hands are not strong enough to sustain the weight of man on the cross, while the wrists would be. Third, all the indicators of the unique scourging ''and'' crucifixion of the man are present on the Shroud, when it is unlikely anyone else would have been both scourged and crucified. Computer analysis suggests the image of coins on the Shroud that date from the time of [[Pontius Pilate]].

As reported by the [[BBC]], the leading secular [[British]] news source, "Mechthild Flury-Lemberg found that the fabric was woven in a three-to-one herringbone pattern, used for high quality cloths in the ancient world."<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/3624753.stm</ref>

Scientists have devoted years of work in analyzing the Shroud. Several of these scientists who have studied the Shroud converted to [[Christianity]] as a result.<ref>http://www.shroud.com/mrinobnf.pdf</ref>

==Early history==
====Bardesane of Edessa====
The earliest possible reference to the Shroud is found in a second century poem by Bardesane of Edessa. Called the "Hymn of the Pearl", it was embedded within the non-canonical ''Acts of Thomas'', and tells the story of a boy - apparently the figure in the poem - to retrieve a pearl from Egypt. He describes the "mirror of myself" embedded in his robe in some detail similar to the Shroud:
:''"And because I remembered not its fashion / for in my childhood I had left it in my father's house, / on a sudden, when I received it, / the garment seemed to me to become like a mirror of myself. / I saw it all in all, / and I to received all in it, / for we were two in distinction / and yet gain one in one likeness. / And the treasurers too, / who brought it to me, I saw in like manner / to be two (and yet) one likeness, for one sign of the king was written on them (both), / of the hands of him who restored to me through them / my trust and my wealth"'' [http://www.gnosis.org/library/hymnpearl.htm]

====Image of Edessa/Mandylion====
According to [[Eusebius]], King Abgar of Edessa was afflicted of an illness, and hearing of the miracles of Jesus as a healer he sent a letter to Him, asking if He would come to his aid. Jesus responded that He could not come, but would send his disciple Thaddeus, who comes and heals him [http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.vi.xiii.html]; according to variants of this story King Abgar is left with the cloth image of Jesus, beginning with the ''Doctrine of Addai'' (ca. 400 A.D.) in which a court painter created an image of the Lord and "brought with him to Abgar the king, his master. And when Abgar the king saw the likeness, he received it with great joy, and placed it with great honor in one of his palatial houses." [http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/addai_2_text.htm]. Artistic works of this relic - called either the "Image of Edessa" or the "[[mandylion]]" - generally have it portrayed as the face of Christ upon a towel or kerchief.

The mandylion would surface again around 525 when Edessa was flooded by the Daisan River. Workmen repairing one of the city's gates discovered a niche with the cloth inside; the mandylion was declared to be ''Acheiropoietos'' (Greek: Αχειροποίητος), "not made by hands", meaning that it was a miraculous image created supernaturally and not by man. The mandylion stayed in Edessa as a means of protection for the city from harm until forcibly taken to [[Constantinople]] in 944, where it was received with great fanfare by Emperor Romanus I. Placed within the church of Saint Mary of Blachernae, it stayed there as a Christian relic until disappearing in the sack of the city during the Fourth Crusade in 1204. One of the knights who participated in the sacking of Constantinople, Robert de Clari, left a detailed letter of what he observed at the time, and he referred to this relic as being more than a facial image:
:''"But among the rest, there was also another of the minsters, which was called the Church of my Lady Saint Mary of Blachernae, within which was the shroud wherein Our Lord was wrapped. And on every Friday that shroud did raise itself upright, so that the form of Our Lord could clearly be seen. And none knows - neither Greek nor Frank - what became of that shroud when the city was taken."''[http://www.deremilitari.org/resources/sources/clari4.htm]

== Dating the Shroud ==

Raymond N. Rogers, a retired [[chemist]] from the [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]], studied the Shroud and declared, "The chemistry says it was a real shroud, the blood spots on it are real blood, and the technology that was used to make that piece of cloth was exactly what Pliny the Elder reported from his time," about A.D. 70. "It's a shroud from the right time, but you're never going to find out (through science) if it was used on a person named [[Jesus]]," Rogers said.<ref>http://bibleprobe.com/</ref>

In 1988, [[carbon dating]] of a small snippet of the Shroud was performed, and the results suggested that the Shroud originated between A.D. 1238 and 1430. However, a peer-reviewed scientific paper later demonstrated the invalidity of those results, suggesting instead that the Shroud is between 1,300 and 3,000 years old.<ref>Rogers, Raymond N., "Studies on the radiocarbon sample from the shroud of turin". Thermochimica Acta, Volume 425 Issue 1–2, pp. 189-194 (Jan. 20, 2005)[http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6THV-4DTBVHC-1&_user=10&_handle=B-WA-A-W-WE-MsSAYWA-UUA-AAUYYDZUYC-AAUZVCZYYC-YZEWAVVVC-WE-U&_fmt=full&_coverDate=01%2F20%2F2005&_rdoc=26&_orig=browse&_srch=%23toc%235292%232005%23995749998%23553672!&_cdi=5292&view=c&_acct=C000050221&_version=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=10&md5=3d89246a5d4144616be7657f0d83b6cf]</ref> <ref>Mark Antonacci, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence" (2000)[http://www.amazon.com/dp/0871318903?tag=worldmyster07-20&creative=373489&camp=211189&link_code=as3&creativeASIN=0871318903]</ref> The sample for the 1988 analysis had actually been taken from cloth woven into the Shroud during the [[Middle Ages]], thereby giving a false result.<ref>http://www.shroudcentersocal.com/</ref> Moreover, "the 12th Century Hungarian 'Pray Manuscript' come to depict Jesus being wrapped in the shroud - with authentic herringbone pattern and burn marks - 100 years before carbon-dating says the material originated."<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/3624753.stm</ref>

The defect in the carbon dating was that the samples were "uniquely coated with a yellow–brown [[plant]] gum containing dye lakes. [[Pyrolysis-mass-spectrometry]] results from the sample area coupled with microscopic and microchemical observations prove that the radiocarbon sample was not part of the original cloth of the Shroud of Turin." Instead, [e]stimates of the kinetics constants for the loss of vanillin from lignin indicate a much older age for the cloth than the radiocarbon analyses."<ref>http://bibleprobe.com/</ref>

== The Lamb ==
According to a paper by Dr. Petrus Soons scientific research of some of the photographs of the shroud show an oval object under the beard of the image. After much research three cursive letters were identified and translated from the Hebrew. The meaning of the translation was, "The Lamb," a name in which Jesus was refered to in the New Testament.<ref>Dr. Soons Paper http://74.125.93.132/search?q=cache%3ACtDFWbA8AfIJ%3Awww.ohioshroudconference.com%2Fpapers%2Fp24.pdf+THE+SHROUD+OF+TURIN%2C+THE+HOLOGRAPHIC+EXPERIENCE+By+DR.+PETRUS+SOONS&hl=en&gl=us</ref> This finding now makes the person on the shroud exclusively identified with Christ.

== References ==

<references/>

== Sources ==
*[http://www.shroud.com/pdfs/guscin3.pdf Sermon of Gregory Referendarius, Archdeacon of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, August, 944]
*[http://www.shroudstory.com/shroud-of-turin-picture-01.htm Amazing Details about the Shroud]

[[Category:Christianity]]

Family Guy

2010-02-26T23:13:16Z

CameronT: spelling: "occurred"

'''''Family Guy''''' is an animated television program created by [[Seth MacFarlane]] and shown on the Fox television network. It documents the life of "the Griffins," a fictional family who live in Quahog, [[Rhode Island]]. The show, like ''[[The Simpsons]]'' and other cartoon shows on television, explores—from an extremely [[liberal]] angle—cultural and political themes that are important in the world today, as well as taking humorous approaches to past and present television shows.<ref>[http://www.parentstv.org/PTC/publications/reports/top10bestandworst/main.asp Parents' Television Council]</ref> It takes an unfavorable view of creationists, focusing instead on the theory of evolution.<ref>[http://www.answersingenesis.org/us/newsletters/0107lead.asp Answers in Genesis]</ref> ''Family Guy'' is known for its constant use of rude and profane speech, violent and crude humor, and [[liberal deceit]].

One episode of ''Family Guy'' makes a crude attempt to connect the McCain-Palin ticket to Nazis. <ref>[http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AIWTB8POnkg ''Family Guy'' on YouTube]</ref>

Another episode featured a repeated catchphrase "[[Laura Bush]] Killed A Guy!"<ref>[http://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/tv/2008/12/08/2008-12-08_family_guy_stirs_controversy_with_laura_.html NY Daily News: "Family Guy" stirs controversy with "Laura Bush killed a guy" catch phrase]</ref> This was a misleading statement, tastelessly and pointlessly mocking a tragic car accident which occurred when she was 17 years old, and known as Laura Welch, and which killed boyfriend Michael Douglas (no relation).<ref>[http://www.snopes.com/politics/bush/laura.asp Snopes]</ref>

==References==
<References />

[[Category:Television Shows]]

Battle of Chi Bi

2010-02-26T23:13:08Z

CameronT: spelling: "occurred"

'''The Battle of Chi Bi''' ([[Simplified Chinese|Simplified]]: 赤壁之战; [[Traditional Chinese|Traditional]]: 赤壁之戰; [[Hanyu pinyin]]: Chì bì zhī zhàn), or '''Battle of Red Cliffs''', was an important battle during the [[Three Kingdoms]] period. It was mainly a naval battle, although fighting continued on land after the initial strike. As a result of the battle, [[Liu Bei]] and [[Sun Quan]] established their dynasties and the age of Three Kingdoms began.

==The Battle==
===Background===

The battle was part of a [[Cao Cao]] campaign to conquer the warlords in South China, and to secure the [[Yangtze River]]. First, he crossed the [[Han River]], going towards [[Changban]].There, Cao Cao faced Liu Bei's forces. Liu Bei repelled Cao Cao's forces twice, but after a week of combat Liu Bei had to withdraw to keep his followers safe. Liu Bei and his advisors took refuge with the southern warlord Sun Quan, who knew about Cao Cao's campaign and prepared to meet him in battle. Cao Cao continued his forced march to the Yangtze, where he loaded his men onto an armada and sailed it towards Sun Quan. Allegedly, Cao Cao pirated ships as the fleet sailed, taking supplies and forcing the captured men into his army. Because of this, his men were not very loyal, and many were not experienced in combat. This hurt his effort in the long run.

Liu Bei and Sun Quan combined their forces and prepared to attack Cao Cao's fleet at Red Cliffs. The Allied Forces were at a disadvantage, as they were outnumbered by more than ten to one. Sun Quan's advisors wanted to surrender and ally with Cao Cao, but after four days of debate Sun Quan decided to join the attack, claiming to act in the name of justice. He allowed his advisors to leave if they wanted, but those that left were marked forever as Cowering Officials (胆小政客). The day after the decision, Shu strategist [[Zhuge Liang]] met with Wu strategist [[Zhou Yu]]. They developed several strategies, such as turning the local barbarian tribes against Cao Cao or even using primitive explosive projectiles to sink the flagship, but they found that these were not practical. In the end, they decided to use fire ships, as Zhuge Liang predicted wind. They sent spies to chain the ships together (telling Cao Cao that it would make the soldiers less sea sick) and prepare the hulls with flammable oil.

===The Attack===

The Allied Forces prepared their attack for the night before Cao Cao's attack. Under cover of night, Wu generals [[Gan Ning]] and [[Xing Ba]] took several ships loaded with straw and oil, set fire to them and crashed them into Cao Cao's fleet. In a panic, Cao Cao took his remaining ships and retreated to a friendly base at [[Yiling]], where [[Cao Ren]] helped cover his retreat. Zhou Yu and Shu officer [[Guan Yu]] tried to ambush Cao Cao as he fled to the imperial capital, but his personal guards stopped the attacks and Cao Cao escaped. Still, the attacks devastated his forces, and he halted his campaign.

Zhuge Liang planned that the forces of Shu and Wu would unite, but this did not happen. Sun Quan declared himself emperor, and Liu Bei followed suit. Thus began the era of Three Kingdoms

==Romance of the Three Kingdoms==

The version of the battle in [[Romance of the Three Kingdoms]] is similar, but there are key differences. Zhuge Liang, who is depicted as a mystic, uses magic to summon a favorable wind and guide the fire ships. Also, Guan Yu attacks Cao Cao before he reaches Yiling, but lets him escape. Finally, Sun Quan attempts to kill Liu Bei during the battle, but the assassination fails because of a Zhuge Liang scheme.

==Other Depictions==
===Red Cliffs===

In 2008, [[John Woo]] directed a film called ''Red Cliffs'' that was based on the battle. It is a combination of elements from the historical records, the novel, and entirely new elements. Most notably, Woo writes it as a love triangle between Cao Cao, Zhou Yu and [[Xiao Qiao]], who was Zhou Yu's wife in reality. It is true that Cao Cao tried to abduct Xiao Qiao during the battle, but the rest is entirely fictional.

===Dynasty Warriors===

Many [[video games]] have depicted the Battle of Red Cliffs, most notably the [[Dynasty Warriors]] series. These versions are based more on the novel than the historical record. These versions give greater importance to Wu officer [[Huang Gai]] and Daoist mystic [[Pang Tong]].

==Accuracy==

Many professional historians believe that the Battle of Chi Bi did not happen, or at least that it did not happen like it was described in the historical records. There is some conflict between different sources; it may be that the battle was based on different naval battles that occurred on the Yangtze. However, most historians and regular people speak of the battle as fact.

[[Category:Battles]]
[[Category:Chinese History]]
[[Category:Romance of the Three Kingdoms]]

Nazca

2010-02-26T23:12:14Z

CameronT: spelling: "millennium"

The '''Nazca people''' were a civilization native to [[South America]] in the first millennium AD. Little is known about the Nazca people due to their lack of a writing system, but their monuments and cities stand as archaeological testimony to their culture. They are perhaps most well-known for the famous "Nazca lines," great drawings in the mountains which span hundreds of miles. They also constructed a kind of underground aqueduct called a puquio, many of which are still in use.

==Society==

Nazca society was made up of local chiefdoms and regional centers of power, centered around what may have been their capital, Cahuachi. Cahuachi appears to have been only a ceremonial site. Excavations there have found large amounts of pottery, evidence of maize, squash, beans, and peanuts, as well as some fish, plain and fancy textiles, trace amounts of gold and shell, and an array of ritual paraphernalia. The remains of [[pottery]] found at Cahuachi led archaeologists to believe that the site was specifically non-urban and ceremonial in nature. Much of Nazca religious belief centered around [[agriculture]] and fertility.

==The Nazca Lines==

The "Nazca lines" are a series of geometric shapes, miles of lines, and large drawings of animal figures (some as large as a football field) constructed on the desert floor in the Nazca region. Many theories have surrounded the great geoglyphs in the Nazca desert, but their purpose has not yet been determined. Some interpretations suggest they were created for the Gods to look upon them from above, while others suggest they were some sort of calendar with astronomical alignments that would aid in planting and harvesting of crops. Others have postulated that the purpose of the lines was not to be looked at, but to be walked upon as a sort of ceremonial procession.

History of Written Language

2010-02-26T23:11:06Z

CameronT: spelling: "millennium", "hieroglyphs"

[[Writing]] as we know it today did not spring fully formed from the mind of some ancient genius, but was independently developed over hundreds of years in the various civilizations of the early Earth. The development of vastly different writing systems follows a surprisingly similar path in the various cultures which developed them.

==Proto-Script==
[[File:Cave art at Lascaux.jpg|right|thumb|150px|Cave art at Lascaux.]]
The forerunners to writing systems are pictograms in every culture. When early people wished to convey an idea in a permanent medium, they simply drew the concept. Examples of drawings by the first human beings can be found all over the world in the form of cave art. However, as certain symbols became more and more common, it became unnecessary to draw the concept precisely - broad strokes would convey the idea sufficiently.

This lead to development of pictographs, small, common pictures used to describe a series of ideas. For example, to write "The man ran to catch the mammoth," it sufficed to draw a man running with a spear next to a mammoth. However, such a system lacks the preciseness of modern writing.

[[Image:Pictographs.png|150px|left|thumb|Pictographs.]]In some cultures, the symbols which once represented a concept would begin to also represent the sound that the word for that concept began with. This development allowed for a series of pictograms to convey a concept not easily drawn (like "love"), but for which the spoken language had a word for. Such cultures are said to write with an alphabet.

In other cultures, abstract symbols were developed for verbs and for nouns not easily drawn. Such a culture is frequently said to write with hieroglyphs, although this word is generally not used for the Chinese system, although it fits this description.

Once a pictogram system developed to the point of being able to express all or most of the concepts which could be expressed through vocal language, it ceased to be a pictogram system and became a writing system. If the pictrograms continue to represent concepts, then the writing system frequently becomes logographic. If all the symbols represent individual sounds, then the writing system becomes alphabetic.

==Sumer==
[[Image:Letter Luenna Louvre AO4238.jpg|200px|right|thumb|A cuneiform letter from a Sumerian queen to her king, dating from the third millennium BC.]]
The earliest language was that developed in the "[[fertile crescent]]," which is modern-day [[Iraq]]. The [[Sumerian]] and [[Babylonian]] civilizations which lived there developed a writing system known as [[cuneiform]]. Cuneiform appears to have developed as a tallying system developed for commercial trade. As the economy of the region diversified, it became necessary to keep track of transactions, as well as to write contracts and legal codes.

As the tallying system used by the early Sumerians became more complex, the cuneiform symbols began to represent individual sounds, which came from the first sound of the word they once represented.

One of the earliest complete documents we have is the Sumerian King List, which listed the kings of ancient Sumer. This list provides extra-biblical evidence of an ancient flood which covered the entire Earth.

Unlike many writing systems of the ancient world, the clay tablets that cuneiform tended to be written on can survive for thousands of years. We have a personal letter from a queen to a king dating from the third millennium BC. Some dating techniques place this letter at 2400 BC, over 150 years before the Tower of Babel, when Sumerian was the only language in the world. See picture.

In the 7th century BC, the [[Epic of Gilgamesh]] was written with cuneiform, one of the earliest works of [[literature]].

==Egypt==
[[Image:EgyptianHieroglyphs.jpg|150px|thumb|left|Hieroglyphs from the Greco-Roman period.]]
Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs form the basis for many modern writing systems, due to the influence of Egypt in the ancient Mediterranean. While Egyptian hieroglyphs appear to have developed from earlier Egyptian pottery art, cuneiform in the neighboring Babylon developed first, and it is probably that Egyptian merchants would have been introduced to cuneiform before the development of hieroglyphs, so a Sumerian influence is likely.

Unlike alphabetic systems, Egyptian hieroglyphs are logographic. Unusually, the number of symbols increased over time: while there were only 800 symbols during the "ancient" period of Egyptian civilization, after the Hellenistic conquests, there were over 5000.

Egyptian hieroglyphs were mostly forgotten by the Western world until Napoleons exploits in Egypt brought back many inscriptions. They were finally deciphered upon the discovery of the [[Rosetta stone]], a single stone document which contained the same inscription in two forms of Greek, heiroglyphs..

==East Asia==
[[Image:OracleBoneScript.jpg|right|100px|thumb|Oracle bone script.]]
The oldest writing in the world is Chinese. The earliest writing in China can be dated to immediately after the scattering, which happened in 2247 BC at the earliest. This demonstrates that though people forgot their knowledge of Sumerian, they did not forget the ideas of writing and quickly developed writing systems to suit their new languages.

It appears the first writing in China was symbolic marking on [[oracle bones]] used by priests to predict the future. In time, the symbols used in their religious traditions were used in art and basic literature.
[[Image:ModernChinese.jpg|left|75px|thumb|Modern Chinese writing.]]
The earliest characters were logographs, like hieroglyphs. Sometime during the [[Qin Dynasty|Qin]]-[[Han Dynasty|Han]] period, a new set of standard characters appeared. All characters since this time were a mix of logographic and phonographic elements.

China was far and away the most powerful and influential civilization in East Asia for thousands of years, and it is no surprise that Chinese writing heavily influenced the development of writing in nearby civilizations like Japan and Korea.

Writing was introduced to Japan by the Chinese civilization around 400 BC. The Chinese system was adapted and altered to more efficiently write the Japanese language.

The Korean writing system, Hangul, was invented by [[Sejong the Great]] in 1443 during a period of Korean nationalism. Previously, Korea had used the Chinese system, but upon achieving independence, Hangul was invented to remove Chinese influence from the newly-minted nation.

==India==
[[Image:IndusScript.jpg|150px|right|thumb|A Harrapan royal seal.]]
Indus Valley script, also known as Harappan, was developed in the third century BC in India, making it one of the oldest known writing systems. This is consistent with the account in Genesis 11, which describes the creation of new languages at 2247 at the earliest. It is possible that merchants trading in the Indian Ocean spread Harappan to Sumer, influencing the development of cuneiform there. Thousands of inscriptions have been found, using 417 different symbols.

Although linguists continue to examine the relics, Harappan has not been deciphered. Harappan civilzation may be the earliest Indo-European settlers coming from the Caucasus mountain, or it may be a civilzation which existed before these people migrated to India. If Harappans were Indo-European settlers, then it is possible the Harappan script is Indo-European and will someday be deciphered. If Harappan is the writing system of a people who were displaced or destroyed by Indo-European settlers, then the language is a dead language with no modern descendants; such a language may never be understood.

==Mesoamerica==

The oldest writing in the Western Hemisphere is from approximately 900 BC, and of Olmec origin.<ref>http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/5347080.stm</ref><ref>http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/abstract/313/5793/1610</ref> However, the writing sample that has been found from this time appears to show a fully developed alphabetical system with 28 different symbols, so it is certain that writing had been discovered more than three thousand years ago in that region.
==Mediterranean==
Some of the oldest non-Egyptian writing systems in the Mediterranean are still undeciphered. Likely from the Minoan civilization, these scripts, known as Linear A and Linear B, are very similar to ancient Greek and obviously had a strong influence on the development of it.

Greek was also heavily influenced by simplified Egyptian hieroglyphs, Hebrew and Phoenician. All these writing systems developed about the same time in the Eastern Mediterranean.

By 1491 BC, Hebrew was sufficiently developed for the Ten Commandments (presumably written in Hebrew, although possibly in Egyptian hieroglyphs) to be written by God on Sinai. The earliest Hebrew inscriptions still existing date from approximately 1000 BC, shortly before the rise of the Kingdom. Hebrew was abandoned for non-religious texts during the [[Babylonian exile]] in favor of Aramaic, and remained so until [[Diaspora]] of 135 AD, when Jews began to use Hebrew more to keep in touch with their identity while among non-Jews.

[[Category:Communication]]
[[Category:Writing]]

Spanish Armada

2010-02-26T23:06:10Z

CameronT: /* Bibliography */ spelling: "summary", "leading"

The '''Spanish Armada''' ("La Armada Invencible" in [[Spanish]]) was the battle fleet sent by [[Philip II]] of [[Spain]] in the summer of 1588 to the [[English Channel]]; its aim was to enable a Spanish army in [[Flanders]] to cross the channel and conquer [[England]].

The Spanish Armada more generally was the failed seaborn invasion of England by Spain in 1588. The Armada included 130 large ships of 57,900 tons mounting 2,500 cannons and manned by 30,700 crewmen. The English fleet consisted of 197 vessels of 29,800 tons manned by 15,800 men.

It was a total failure, as English warships attacked and the Armada scattered and was driven north into the [[North Sea]]. Returning to Spain via the north coast of [[Scotland]] led to disaster, with many ships and lives lost.

The Spanish Armada is celebrated in British history as a great triumph for the nation, and for [[Protestant]]ism over the forces of [[Catholicism]].

==Origins==
The operation was planned by [[Philip II]], king of [[Spain, history|Spain]], to help realize his dynastic ambitions<ref> As widower of Elizabeth's immediate predecessor, Mary I, Philip contended that his claim to the English throne was superior to that of Elizabeth, who he claimed was illegitimate. </ref> to expand the Spanish empire and to reconvert Protestant Europe. He was repeatedly exhorted by popes [[Gregory XIII]] (d. 1585) and [[Sixtus V]] as well as by English Catholics in exile to extend the [[Counter Reformation]] to England. The stringent policies of English Queen [[Elizabeth I]] toward her Catholic subjects, her moral leadership of Protestants abroad, and particularly the encouragement she gave to Philip's rebelling subjects in the United Provinces of the [[Netherlands]] infuriated the Spanish king.

In 1587 Philip roused to action. In February 1587 [[Mary Queen of Scots]], a Catholic who also claimed the English crown was executed for treason against England. In April the English naval officer, [[Francis Drake]], who had previously raided Spanish settlements in Central and South America, destroyed over 20 ships at Cádiz, one of Spain's main ports.

==Preparations==
Philip tried to neutralize France by involvement in its internal power struggle He raised money from loans from his German and Italian bankers, pledging his ordinary revenues, and especially the annual flow of treasure from his possessions in the New World. Aware of English naval prowess, he decided to overwhelm it with sheer mass. Philip marshaled 130 sail of all classes, totaling over 59,000 tons--from his Mediterranean and Atlantic fleets, from the Portuguese navy (which he controlled), and from his allies. More than 19,000 soldiers and 8,000 sailors recruited to man these ships were to join 30,000 troops who had been fighting in the Spanish Netherlands under Philip's commander, the Duke of Parma. He first chose a competent admiral, Don Álvaro de Bazán, but he died and Philip turned to Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, Duke of Medina Sidonia (1550-1615). He was an incompetent seaman, albeit intelligent and courageous.

If the Armada had landed its army in England, it may well have succeeded. The Spanish army was large, experienced, well-equipped, confident, and richly financed. English defenses were poor and outdated; troops were few and only partially trained. Spain had chosen England's weakest defensive link. London might have fallen within a week. A Catholic uprising in the north and in Ireland could have brought total defeat. England essentially depended on the will and loyalty of the common people.

===English plans===
Since November 1587 the English and the Dutch had been aware of Philip's intentions. To prevent a juncture of Parma's army with the Armada, Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, the Lord Admiral, had sent small squadrons to patrol the Dutch coast. After much debate, Howard accepted Drake's advice to use 54 of the Queen's best ships then anchored at Plymouth on the English Channel, to blockade and destroy the Armada before it left the Spanish coast. But on July 29, 1588, after the winds had changed and made this venture impossible, the Armada was sighted off the Sicily Isles, near the coast of Cornwall in southwestern England.

==Operations==
The Armada set sail from Lisbon on May 9, 1588, but gales forced it back to La Coruña for refitting, and the voyage was not resumed until July 22. The first encounter occurred off Plymouth, near the Eddystone Rocks, on July 31, when three Spanish ships were lost at little cost to the English. Fighting resumed farther east on August 2, near Portland Bill; neither fleet lost a ship in this encounter, ammunition was seriously depleted on both sides. The English could replenish their supplies of powder and shot; the Spaniards, far from home, could not.
[[Image:Armada1.jpg|thumb|290px|Map of Armada, showing battles and location of major losses]]
The Armada continued northeast with its strongest ships on either tip of its tight, crescent-shaped formation, while the slower merchantmen and hulks, which comprised a third to a half of the whole, sailed protected at its center. Late on the night of August 7, while the Armada lay at anchor before Calais, on the French side of the Strait of Dover, the English sent eight burning merchant ships (called fire ships) into the midst of the Spanish fleet. With only time to slip their cables, the Spanish ships tried to escape from being caught in the flames and fled in panic and disorder. One great galleass (a ship propelled by sails and oars) ran aground, and the damage suffered by other Spanish vessels was extensive.

Before Medina Sidonia could regroup his fleet, the English attacked on August 8. During the next eight hours of battle the Spaniards drifted perilously near the shoals off Gravelines, northeast of Calais; but at the moment when it seemed they would be driven on to the banks and give the English easy victory, the wind veered from northwest to southwest and drove the Armada back into the safety of the North Sea. The Duke of Medina-Sidonia considered surrendering his entire Armada to the English, but instead plunged on. On August 12 a squall separated the two navies near the Firth of Forth, on the east shore of Scotland; the English gave up pursuit.

Recognizing the superior seamanship of the English fleet and the impossibility of combining with the forces of the Duke of Parma, the Spaniards headed home. They charted a course around the Shetland Islands, north of Scotland, then southwest to Ireland, where they hoped to find supplies, and finally to Spain.

26 of these ships and their crews were lost on the coast of Ireland and Scotland. Heavy storms and poor seamanship was at fault--the Spanish pilots were unable to to calculate longitude, gauge the effects of the unfamiliar tides; together with bad maps the Armada ships sailed much closer to the coast than intended.

The insufficient supply of provisions was due to mismanagement, corruption, the English capture of supply ships, and spoilage. Reduced rations weakened the crews, resupply in Calais and Flanders was impossible, and disease exacerbated by hunger increased the number of deaths. Ravaged by storm and shipwreck, the Armada returned to the safety of the Spanish port of Santander, on the Bay of Biscay, with only 86 ships and less than half the men who had left five months before.

==Conclusion==
The Armada was the victim of the poor mix of its ships and armament, of its ill-trained and undermanned crews, and of the dissension and division in its incompetent command. Spanish guns were inferior to the long-range cannon of the English, whose galleons proved faster, more maneuverable, and more weatherly than the bulky Spanish vessels. Parker (1988) say Philip II caused the failure because his strategy required a synchronization between the invasion fleet and Parma's army barges that his tactics could not guarantee because the design of his cannons' carriages prevented rapid reloading in a close-range cannonade, thereby allowing England to control the Channel.<ref> Geoffrey Parker, "Why the Armada Failed." ''History Today'' 1988 38(may): 26-33. Issn: 0018-2753 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Added to the problems of logistics, and the prevailing winds and currents in the English Channel, the liabilities proved proved devastating for the Spanish, whose basic strategy was inherently flawed. A Spanish victory was highly improbable. There were six naval encounters, but none were decisive. What destroyed the Armada was stormy weather and disease. The defeat of the Armada was not decisive militarily but it did encourage English morale for Protestantism had survived its worst threat. Protestants felt divinely favored and believed that the fortunes of Spain and Catholicism had turned. Spanish morale was undermined; it fatally weakened the Catholic League, and in reduced the respect of neutrals for Spain. The Spanish spent heavily to rebuild the fleet and lost no territory to England immediately; and the revenue from the silver mines in the Spanish Indies continued to increase and staved off bankruptcy. However, the armada's failure effectively ceded supremacy over the seas to the English, who continued to harass Spanish shipping and develop their overseas empire.

==Historiography==
For 150 years writers depended heavily on Petruccio Ubaldini's ''A Discourse Concernye the Spanish Fleete Invadinye Englande'' (1590), which explained that God favored England and English victory confirmed English Protestantism. In the 17th century William Camden (1551-1623) added nationalism and private enterprise to the English side and depicted the Duke of Medina Sidonia as an incompetent seaman. In the [[Enlightenment]] [[David Hume]] (1711-76) dropped divine favor and stressed the leadership of Elizabeth I. Hume was challenged by 19th-century Whig historians led by James A. Froude (1818-94), who criticized Elizabeth for vacillating and being unwilling to spend the money necessary to defend England. The publication of primary documents by John K. Laughton in 1894 led modern scholars, led by Julian Corbet (1854-1922), to reject the Whig views and emphasize the role of England's professional navy in the victory. Historians have since debated the relative power of English and Spanish guns and the degree of credit due Francis Drake and Charles Howard.<ref> Douglas Knerr, "Through the "Golden Mist": a Brief Overview of Armada Historiography." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(1): 5-13. </ref>
[[Image:Armada2.jpg|thumb|550px]]

==Bibliography==
* Corbett, Julian S. ''Drake and the Tudor Navy: With a History of the Rise of England as a Maritime Power'' (1898) [http://www.questia.com/read/8906402 online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.questia.com/read/96227572 online edition vol 2]
* Fernández-Armesto, Felipe. ''The Spanish Armada: The Experience of War in 1588.'' (1988). 336 pp.
* Froude, James Anthony. ''The Spanish Story of the Armada, and Other Essays'' (1899), by a leading historian of the 1890s [http://books.google.com/books?id=BuMBAAAAMAAJ&dq=intitle:spanish+intitle:armada+inauthor:froude&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 full text online]
* Knerr, Douglas. "Through the "Golden Mist": a Brief Overview of Armada Historiography." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(1): 5-13. Issn: 0003-0155
* McDermott, James. ''England and the Spanish Armada: The Necessary Quarrel'' (2005) [http://www.amazon.com/England-Spanish-Armada-Necessary-Quarrel/dp/030010698X/ref=pd_bbs_sr_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1205649559&sr=1-3 excerpt and text search]
* Martin, Colin, and Geoffrey Parker. ''The Spanish Armada'' (2nd ed. 2002), 320pp by leading scholars; uses archaeological studies of some of its wrecked ships [http://books.google.com/books?id=_ysl3KVnYDUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=intitle:%22spanish+armada%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0&sig=JEeISNw9fiwvnyjfLau0HWBuyTE excerpt and text search]
* Mattingly, Garrett. ''The Armada'' (1959). the classic narrative [http://www.amazon.com/Armada-Garrett-Mattingly/dp/0618565914/ref=pd_bbs_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1205649559&sr=1-2 excerpt and text search]
* Parker, Geoffrey. "Why the Armada Failed." ''History Today'' 1988 38(may): 26-33. Issn: 0018-2753. Summary by leading historian.
* Pierson, Peter. ''Commander of the Armada: The Seventh Duke of Medina Sidonia.'' (1989). 304 pp.
* Rasor, Eugene L. ''The Spanish Armada of 1588: Historiography and Annotated Bibliography.'' (1992). 277 pp.
* Rodger, N. A. M. ''The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Britain 660-1649'' vol 1 (1999) 691pp; [http://www.amazon.com/Safeguard-Sea-History-Britain-660-1649/dp/0393319601/ref=pd_sim_b_title_8 excerpt and text search]
* Rodriguez-Salgado, M. J. and Adams, Simon, eds. ''England, Spain, and the Gran Armada, 1585-1604'' (1991) 308 pp.
* Thompson, I. A. A. "The Appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia to the Command of the Spanish Armada," ''The Historical Journal'', Vol. 12, No. 2. (1969), pp. 197-216. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%281969%2912%3A2%3C197%3ATAOTDO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T in JSTOR]
* Tincey, John, and Richard Hook. ''The Spanish Armada'' (2000) heavily illustrated short survey
====notes====
<references/>

[[category:Spanish History]]
[[category:English History]]
[[Category:Naval Battles]]
[[category:Military History]]
[[Category:Dutch History]]

Spanish Armada

2010-02-26T23:05:29Z

CameronT: spelling: "harass"

The '''Spanish Armada''' ("La Armada Invencible" in [[Spanish]]) was the battle fleet sent by [[Philip II]] of [[Spain]] in the summer of 1588 to the [[English Channel]]; its aim was to enable a Spanish army in [[Flanders]] to cross the channel and conquer [[England]].

The Spanish Armada more generally was the failed seaborn invasion of England by Spain in 1588. The Armada included 130 large ships of 57,900 tons mounting 2,500 cannons and manned by 30,700 crewmen. The English fleet consisted of 197 vessels of 29,800 tons manned by 15,800 men.

It was a total failure, as English warships attacked and the Armada scattered and was driven north into the [[North Sea]]. Returning to Spain via the north coast of [[Scotland]] led to disaster, with many ships and lives lost.

The Spanish Armada is celebrated in British history as a great triumph for the nation, and for [[Protestant]]ism over the forces of [[Catholicism]].

==Origins==
The operation was planned by [[Philip II]], king of [[Spain, history|Spain]], to help realize his dynastic ambitions<ref> As widower of Elizabeth's immediate predecessor, Mary I, Philip contended that his claim to the English throne was superior to that of Elizabeth, who he claimed was illegitimate. </ref> to expand the Spanish empire and to reconvert Protestant Europe. He was repeatedly exhorted by popes [[Gregory XIII]] (d. 1585) and [[Sixtus V]] as well as by English Catholics in exile to extend the [[Counter Reformation]] to England. The stringent policies of English Queen [[Elizabeth I]] toward her Catholic subjects, her moral leadership of Protestants abroad, and particularly the encouragement she gave to Philip's rebelling subjects in the United Provinces of the [[Netherlands]] infuriated the Spanish king.

In 1587 Philip roused to action. In February 1587 [[Mary Queen of Scots]], a Catholic who also claimed the English crown was executed for treason against England. In April the English naval officer, [[Francis Drake]], who had previously raided Spanish settlements in Central and South America, destroyed over 20 ships at Cádiz, one of Spain's main ports.

==Preparations==
Philip tried to neutralize France by involvement in its internal power struggle He raised money from loans from his German and Italian bankers, pledging his ordinary revenues, and especially the annual flow of treasure from his possessions in the New World. Aware of English naval prowess, he decided to overwhelm it with sheer mass. Philip marshaled 130 sail of all classes, totaling over 59,000 tons--from his Mediterranean and Atlantic fleets, from the Portuguese navy (which he controlled), and from his allies. More than 19,000 soldiers and 8,000 sailors recruited to man these ships were to join 30,000 troops who had been fighting in the Spanish Netherlands under Philip's commander, the Duke of Parma. He first chose a competent admiral, Don Álvaro de Bazán, but he died and Philip turned to Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, Duke of Medina Sidonia (1550-1615). He was an incompetent seaman, albeit intelligent and courageous.

If the Armada had landed its army in England, it may well have succeeded. The Spanish army was large, experienced, well-equipped, confident, and richly financed. English defenses were poor and outdated; troops were few and only partially trained. Spain had chosen England's weakest defensive link. London might have fallen within a week. A Catholic uprising in the north and in Ireland could have brought total defeat. England essentially depended on the will and loyalty of the common people.

===English plans===
Since November 1587 the English and the Dutch had been aware of Philip's intentions. To prevent a juncture of Parma's army with the Armada, Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, the Lord Admiral, had sent small squadrons to patrol the Dutch coast. After much debate, Howard accepted Drake's advice to use 54 of the Queen's best ships then anchored at Plymouth on the English Channel, to blockade and destroy the Armada before it left the Spanish coast. But on July 29, 1588, after the winds had changed and made this venture impossible, the Armada was sighted off the Sicily Isles, near the coast of Cornwall in southwestern England.

==Operations==
The Armada set sail from Lisbon on May 9, 1588, but gales forced it back to La Coruña for refitting, and the voyage was not resumed until July 22. The first encounter occurred off Plymouth, near the Eddystone Rocks, on July 31, when three Spanish ships were lost at little cost to the English. Fighting resumed farther east on August 2, near Portland Bill; neither fleet lost a ship in this encounter, ammunition was seriously depleted on both sides. The English could replenish their supplies of powder and shot; the Spaniards, far from home, could not.
[[Image:Armada1.jpg|thumb|290px|Map of Armada, showing battles and location of major losses]]
The Armada continued northeast with its strongest ships on either tip of its tight, crescent-shaped formation, while the slower merchantmen and hulks, which comprised a third to a half of the whole, sailed protected at its center. Late on the night of August 7, while the Armada lay at anchor before Calais, on the French side of the Strait of Dover, the English sent eight burning merchant ships (called fire ships) into the midst of the Spanish fleet. With only time to slip their cables, the Spanish ships tried to escape from being caught in the flames and fled in panic and disorder. One great galleass (a ship propelled by sails and oars) ran aground, and the damage suffered by other Spanish vessels was extensive.

Before Medina Sidonia could regroup his fleet, the English attacked on August 8. During the next eight hours of battle the Spaniards drifted perilously near the shoals off Gravelines, northeast of Calais; but at the moment when it seemed they would be driven on to the banks and give the English easy victory, the wind veered from northwest to southwest and drove the Armada back into the safety of the North Sea. The Duke of Medina-Sidonia considered surrendering his entire Armada to the English, but instead plunged on. On August 12 a squall separated the two navies near the Firth of Forth, on the east shore of Scotland; the English gave up pursuit.

Recognizing the superior seamanship of the English fleet and the impossibility of combining with the forces of the Duke of Parma, the Spaniards headed home. They charted a course around the Shetland Islands, north of Scotland, then southwest to Ireland, where they hoped to find supplies, and finally to Spain.

26 of these ships and their crews were lost on the coast of Ireland and Scotland. Heavy storms and poor seamanship was at fault--the Spanish pilots were unable to to calculate longitude, gauge the effects of the unfamiliar tides; together with bad maps the Armada ships sailed much closer to the coast than intended.

The insufficient supply of provisions was due to mismanagement, corruption, the English capture of supply ships, and spoilage. Reduced rations weakened the crews, resupply in Calais and Flanders was impossible, and disease exacerbated by hunger increased the number of deaths. Ravaged by storm and shipwreck, the Armada returned to the safety of the Spanish port of Santander, on the Bay of Biscay, with only 86 ships and less than half the men who had left five months before.

==Conclusion==
The Armada was the victim of the poor mix of its ships and armament, of its ill-trained and undermanned crews, and of the dissension and division in its incompetent command. Spanish guns were inferior to the long-range cannon of the English, whose galleons proved faster, more maneuverable, and more weatherly than the bulky Spanish vessels. Parker (1988) say Philip II caused the failure because his strategy required a synchronization between the invasion fleet and Parma's army barges that his tactics could not guarantee because the design of his cannons' carriages prevented rapid reloading in a close-range cannonade, thereby allowing England to control the Channel.<ref> Geoffrey Parker, "Why the Armada Failed." ''History Today'' 1988 38(may): 26-33. Issn: 0018-2753 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Added to the problems of logistics, and the prevailing winds and currents in the English Channel, the liabilities proved proved devastating for the Spanish, whose basic strategy was inherently flawed. A Spanish victory was highly improbable. There were six naval encounters, but none were decisive. What destroyed the Armada was stormy weather and disease. The defeat of the Armada was not decisive militarily but it did encourage English morale for Protestantism had survived its worst threat. Protestants felt divinely favored and believed that the fortunes of Spain and Catholicism had turned. Spanish morale was undermined; it fatally weakened the Catholic League, and in reduced the respect of neutrals for Spain. The Spanish spent heavily to rebuild the fleet and lost no territory to England immediately; and the revenue from the silver mines in the Spanish Indies continued to increase and staved off bankruptcy. However, the armada's failure effectively ceded supremacy over the seas to the English, who continued to harass Spanish shipping and develop their overseas empire.

==Historiography==
For 150 years writers depended heavily on Petruccio Ubaldini's ''A Discourse Concernye the Spanish Fleete Invadinye Englande'' (1590), which explained that God favored England and English victory confirmed English Protestantism. In the 17th century William Camden (1551-1623) added nationalism and private enterprise to the English side and depicted the Duke of Medina Sidonia as an incompetent seaman. In the [[Enlightenment]] [[David Hume]] (1711-76) dropped divine favor and stressed the leadership of Elizabeth I. Hume was challenged by 19th-century Whig historians led by James A. Froude (1818-94), who criticized Elizabeth for vacillating and being unwilling to spend the money necessary to defend England. The publication of primary documents by John K. Laughton in 1894 led modern scholars, led by Julian Corbet (1854-1922), to reject the Whig views and emphasize the role of England's professional navy in the victory. Historians have since debated the relative power of English and Spanish guns and the degree of credit due Francis Drake and Charles Howard.<ref> Douglas Knerr, "Through the "Golden Mist": a Brief Overview of Armada Historiography." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(1): 5-13. </ref>
[[Image:Armada2.jpg|thumb|550px]]

==Bibliography==
* Corbett, Julian S. ''Drake and the Tudor Navy: With a History of the Rise of England as a Maritime Power'' (1898) [http://www.questia.com/read/8906402 online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.questia.com/read/96227572 online edition vol 2]
* Fernández-Armesto, Felipe. ''The Spanish Armada: The Experience of War in 1588.'' (1988). 336 pp.
* Froude, James Anthony. ''The Spanish Story of the Armada, and Other Essays'' (1899), by a leading historian of the 1890s [http://books.google.com/books?id=BuMBAAAAMAAJ&dq=intitle:spanish+intitle:armada+inauthor:froude&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 full text online]
* Knerr, Douglas. "Through the "Golden Mist": a Brief Overview of Armada Historiography." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(1): 5-13. Issn: 0003-0155
* McDermott, James. ''England and the Spanish Armada: The Necessary Quarrel'' (2005) [http://www.amazon.com/England-Spanish-Armada-Necessary-Quarrel/dp/030010698X/ref=pd_bbs_sr_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1205649559&sr=1-3 excerpt and text search]
* Martin, Colin, and Geoffrey Parker. ''The Spanish Armada'' (2nd ed. 2002), 320pp by leading scholars; uses archaeological studies of some of its wrecked ships [http://books.google.com/books?id=_ysl3KVnYDUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=intitle:%22spanish+armada%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0&sig=JEeISNw9fiwvnyjfLau0HWBuyTE excerpt and text search]
* Mattingly, Garrett. ''The Armada'' (1959). the classic narrative [http://www.amazon.com/Armada-Garrett-Mattingly/dp/0618565914/ref=pd_bbs_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1205649559&sr=1-2 excerpt and text search]
* Parker, Geoffrey. "Why the Armada Failed." ''History Today'' 1988 38(may): 26-33. Issn: 0018-2753. Sumary by leadfing historian.
* Pierson, Peter. ''Commander of the Armada: The Seventh Duke of Medina Sidonia.'' (1989). 304 pp.
* Rasor, Eugene L. ''The Spanish Armada of 1588: Historiography and Annotated Bibliography.'' (1992). 277 pp.
* Rodger, N. A. M. ''The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Britain 660-1649'' vol 1 (1999) 691pp; [http://www.amazon.com/Safeguard-Sea-History-Britain-660-1649/dp/0393319601/ref=pd_sim_b_title_8 excerpt and text search]
* Rodriguez-Salgado, M. J. and Adams, Simon, eds. ''England, Spain, and the Gran Armada, 1585-1604'' (1991) 308 pp.
* Thompson, I. A. A. "The Appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia to the Command of the Spanish Armada," ''The Historical Journal'', Vol. 12, No. 2. (1969), pp. 197-216. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%281969%2912%3A2%3C197%3ATAOTDO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T in JSTOR]
* Tincey, John, and Richard Hook. ''The Spanish Armada'' (2000) heavily illustrated short survey
====notes====
<references/>

[[category:Spanish History]]
[[category:English History]]
[[Category:Naval Battles]]
[[category:Military History]]
[[Category:Dutch History]]

Template talk:MVCalc

2010-02-26T23:02:58Z

CameronT: Created page with '== A suggestion == Adding a category to this template would help because all the Calc3 lectures are "uncategorized pages". --~~~~'

Joseph Paine

2010-02-23T04:14:21Z

CameronT: spelling: "cemetery"

'''Joseph Harrison Paine''' was the [[Literary type#Anti-hero|anti-hero]] of Director [[Frank Capra]]'s classic political [[motion picture]], ''[[Mr. Smith Goes to Washington]].'' He stands today as the prize archetype of one who compromises his ideals and finds himself serving evil rather than good, and even adding evil to evil. Most such persons sear their consciences and become permanently stained with the corruption that they enable. Joseph Paine, in contrast, suffered a resurgence of his conscience that finally drove him to attempt [[suicide]], and then to pour out a heartfelt public confession of all the evil he had done.

== Probable associations ==
Joseph Paine was a [[United States Senate|United States Senator]] from an unnamed State in the American Midwest. Though that State is never named, it is almost certainly [[Colorado]], for reasons explained in detail [[Jefferson Smith#State|here]]. Paine's Senate class was Class II, because he was first elected to the Senate in 1918 (see below).

His party affiliation was almost certainly with the [[Democratic Party]], because he had [[White House]] aspirations (impossible for a [[Republican Party|Republican]] in 1939), and because he sat to the left of the center aisle of the Senate floor.

{{spoiler}}
== Background ==
Joseph Paine was probably born on or about 1875. He studied [[law]] and became a trial attorney. The practice of law in the period from 1910-1918 was very difficult, particularly for a man seeking to represent those who needed lawyers most desperately—who, sadly, were also those least able to pay. He would, of course, worked most of his cases on a [[contingent fee]] basis, by which he would receive a significant portion of whatever judgments were awarded to his clients. During this period of his life, he had one close friend: Clayton Smith, a newspaper publisher who was struggling as hard as Paine himself was.

Paine married, probably in or about 1913, and had one child, a daughter, Susan.

=== A murder ===
In or about 1918, Joseph Paine had taken the case of a [[mine]]r who had found a very rich lode, only to have his claim effectively "jumped" by a powerful mining syndicate. While Paine tried again and again to complete pretrial discovery in the miner's case, Clayton Smith tried the case in his newspaper, writing article after article exposing the mining syndicate and its sharp practices.

The syndicate leaders were not pleased. They tried to proceed against Smith legally, and then turned to less honest means of intimidation. Smith was unmoved. And then, in the summer of 1918, Joseph Paine received a tearful call from Clayton Smith's wife. She had found him slumped over his rolltop desk, still wearing his hat, dead from a [[bullet]] wound to the back.

=== The Senator ===
How the murder affected Paine's client's case, the film does not reveal. Possibly he had to settle out-of-court for a considerably lower sum than the sum that the miner had originally prayed for in his complaint. This much one can infer: a few days following the murder, Paine received another visitor in his own office: one James Taylor, the effective and unofficial head of the [[Democratic Party]] in [[Colorado]]. Taylor had a simple proposition for Paine: how would he like to become a [[United States Senate|Senator]]? Such a thing would have been unheard-of about five years earlier—but President [[Woodrow Wilson]] had successfully promulgated the [[Seventeenth Amendment]], by which Senators were elected popularly, not chosen by State legislatures.

The deal was less than honest from the start, as Paine would later be forced to admit. The exact nature of the "compromises" that Paine made with his ideals were never made clear, but in essence Joseph Paine ceased to be an independent actor and thinker, and became James Taylor's errand boy in the Senate—or rather, one of ''two'' errand boys that Taylor had. The other, at the time of the film's major action, was Senator Sam Foley.

Paine would later say that he was able to serve Colorado "in a hundred honest ways," leading to a state of affairs that saw Colorado having the lowest rate of [[unemployment]] and the highest ''per capita'' Federal grant monies. The compromises probably had as much to do with those Federal grants as with any other activity.

For twenty years, Paine did Taylor's bidding, in addition to voting on other, much better known pieces of legislation, most notably the [[Volstead Act]]. At first, Paine's activities in steering grant monies back to Colorado (to projects under Taylor's control) went largely unnoticed. Paine might have had his first bad scare with the [[Teapot Dome]] scandal that brought down the [[President of the United States|Presidency]] of [[Warren G. Harding]], but that scare was short-lived; evidently the excitement over the scandals surrounding Harding's activities kept Paine's activities from coming to light.

The [[Great Depression]] and the election of [[Franklin Delano Roosevelt]] changed everything. Federal grants were, if anything, far more frequent and far more lucrative than ever before, all in the name of "economic stimulus." Paine and his colleague Foley were always ready to secure as many of those grants as they could.

Sometime during this period, Paine's wife died. Paine continued to live alone in [[Washington, DC]] with his daughter, who actually made her ''debut'' into Washington society and became a fixture of the Washington cocktail circuit.

== The crisis ==
In 1937, James Taylor conceived of his most brazen scheme yet: to ask for a grant to build a [[dam]] on Willett Creek, in Terrell Canyon, in Ambrose County. Colorado had within it more than a hundred other spots where a dam would be much more useful, but that did not matter. What mattered was that James Taylor, Kenneth Allen, and other Taylor associates held extensive landholdings that would inevitably have to be sold to the Federal government, at tremendous profit—and all of those holdings were under false names. If Paine had never felt less than comfortable with a Taylor project before, he was definitely uncomfortable now.

His discomfort was especially acute in the fall of 1939. President Roosevelt was approaching the end of his second term of office. No one (yet) expected him to run for a third term, and thus the Democratic National Convention in 1940 would be wide-open. Joseph Paine was a strong candidate for the Democratic nomination, and everyone in the Senate knew it, and frequently remarked on it to him in the Senate's cloakroom. Needless to say, a scandal at this stage would make his White House ambitions come to nothing.

Nevertheless, at Taylor's bidding, Paine and three members of the Colorado [[United States House of Representatives|House]] delegation managed to insert a five-million-dollar appropriation for the Willett Creek Dam into a "Deficiency Bill" meant to address certain "deficiencies" in Federal grant appropriations from the previous term of [[United States Congress|Congress]]. Now, at last, the Deficiency Bill was about to come to a vote in the Senate, after at least one, and perhaps two, House-Senate Conferences had debated the bill.

And then Sam Foley died.

=== Replacement needed ===
The news of Sam Foley's death struck Washington like a thunderclap. All the city's news organs buzzed with the news. Paine, however, had no time to notice. His first call was to the State [[governor]], Hubert "Happy" Hopper. When Paine called him, he realized at once that he had roused the governor out of bed, on account of the two-hour [[time zone]] difference. Hopper received the news with alarm, and was barely able to take Paine's instruction to call James Taylor right away and tell him that he, Paine, would fly home—a prodigiously expensive step in those days.

Paine landed in Jackson City (the capital) and found near-chaos on his return. A surprisingly strident citizens' movement had sprung up, and several "citizens' committees" were eager to recommend a candidate to replace Senator Foley. Paine knew this, and knew the reasons for it: James Taylor's political machine had fostered very strong resentment among the citizenry. Projects like the Willett Creek Dam would only make that worse, and so Paine tried to persuade Taylor to scrap the Willett Creek Dam project altogether.

Taylor refused, saying that any delay, or especially any cancellation, would lead to an investigation into the less-than-legal landholdings. "Best to push it through and get it over with," said Taylor, who also had selected his own replacement: Horace Miller, a man who could be counted on to take orders.

Happy Hopper balked—which didn't surprise Paine very much, but which infuriated Taylor. Taylor overruled all of Hopper's politically minded objections to the Miller appointment and gave Hopper what amounted to an order. Later that day, however, Hopper came back to Taylor and Paine with the news that the citizens' committees to whom he had announced the appointment had rejected it out-of-hand, and named their own replacement candidate after all: one Henry Hill, who had a reputation as a "crackpot."

Taylor continued to press Hopper to appoint Miller anyway, as Paine essentially stood by and said nothing. And then, on the next morning, Hopper shocked both men by naming yet a third candidate.

=== The Boy Ranger ===
That candidate was [[Jefferson Smith]], leader of the Boy Rangers youth group, and a man recently in the news for his role in single-handedly containing and extinguishing a [[forest]] fire. Paine and Taylor first heard about the appointment by reading of it in the ''Jackson City Star''. Taylor was apoplectic, particularly as Hopper had put the appointment forward without even notifying Taylor, much less asking his permission.

Then Paine took a closer look at the article. He realized that this Jefferson Smith was a totally ingenuous person, barely old enough (under the [[United States Constitution]]) to enter the Senate, and one inclined to recite works and speeches by men like [[Thomas Jefferson]] and [[Abraham Lincoln]] by heart. Hopper had claimed that the Smith appointment would bring the votes of all the parents of the many Boy Rangers in the State, and Paine saw his point—and also saw that Smith would almost certainly take any order that Paine gave him, because he would trust Paine as implicitly as an apprentice tradesman trusts his journeyman master. He expressed his assurances to Taylor, and Taylor accepted them.

=== An Uncomfortable Reminder ===
A day or so later, Paine found himself at the head table of a sumptuous banquet in Smith's honor—a banquet paid for by James Taylor. Taylor's spokesman grandly introduced Smith as a "nugget" plucked from among Colorado's common men.

When Smith began to speak, he first paid a warm tribute to Paine, even going so far as to say that Paine could represent Colorado in the Senate without anyone's help. Then Smith mentioned that he was the son of Clayton Smith. That name shocked Paine: that Clayton Smith's son should come into his life, twenty years after the elder Smith's death, had never occurred to Paine. But what made Paine less comfortable was the reminder that Jeff Smith had just given Paine of the less-corrupt man he once had been, before James Taylor had come into his law office and proposed to see him elected as a Senator. Paine barely paid attention to the rest of the festivities, even when an all-boy marching band and color guard marched into the banquet hall, to present to Jeff Smith the gift of a briefcase.

== Return to Washington ==
The next day, Smith and Paine were on the [[railroad|train]] to Washington. Smith brought with him a large cage of carrier [[pigeon]]s, saying that he intended sending them home one at a time with letters home, and entering the pigeon who flew home the fastest in an upcoming national race.

During the trip, Smith regaled Paine with a description of his all-youth [[newspaper]], ''Boys' Stuff'', a weekly that at the time had a million subscriptions. Paine commented that "printer's blood" clearly ran in Smith's veins, and recalled at length the story of Clayton Smith's career, and his untimely death. Before he really knew what he was saying, Paine found himself recalling something that Smith had repeated to him with almost proverbial frequency: that "lost causes" were the only causes worth fighting for.

When the train arrived, Paine's daughter Susan and four of her friends were there to greet the Senator and the Senator-designate. Paine silently laughed to himself at Smith's embarrassment when Susan and her friends rushed up to Smith and kissed him; Paine took his daughter's "forward" manner, which she had learned from her cocktail-circuit friends, for granted. Paine had just finished introducing Susan to Jeff when suddenly Jeff startled everyone by pointing out the [[Capitol]] dome (another feature of the Washington skyline that Paine had long since taken for granted). Then Smith shocked everyone further by disappearing. One minute he was present on the station platform; the next second, he wasn't.

Taylor's front man in Washington, Chick McGann, started an urgent search for Smith. Paine, for his part, retired to Washington's Madison Hotel to wait for further news. There Paine fielded a call from a rather frustrated Clarissa Saunders, who had been Foley's secretary and was now Smith's secretary. Paine was sure that Smith would know exactly where the Senate Office Building complex was, and how to find it, and asked Saunders to wait.

Eventually, Saunders called him to say that Smith had arrived at his office, "on his own steam and sober." Paine heaved a sigh of relief and asked Saunders to have Smith brought to the hotel immediately for his first interviews.

== Unfavorable publicity ==
Smith arrived at Paine's hotel suite and apologized profusely for disappearing for five hours. Smith had, quite simply, boarded a tour bus, one of several that made a regular circuit of Washington that included Union Station, and had toured every major monument and memorial in and around Washington, even including [[Arlington National Cemetery]]. Paine accepted the apology and watched as Smith gave a series of innocuous interviews.

But the next morning, Paine saw another shocking thing. The ''Washington Gazette-Journal'' was filled with several articles about Jeff Smith, all of them mocking in tone, and containing photographs of Smith in several embarrassing poses—bird calling, wielding a hatchet, even starting a fire with the spinning-stick method. "Do I actually see this?" he asked himself aloud at the breakfast table with Susan. Immediately he blamed Saunders, and he didn't take long, by calling a few veteran reporters he knew (probably including Diz Moore, Saunders' long-term friend and persistent suitor), to determine that Saunders had given or sold access to Smith to some of the most disreputable players in the Washington press corps ("ambulance chasers," Diz scornfully called them) in return for monetary and other favors that might enable her to leave Washington for good.

Accordingly, he summoned Saunders to his own office and demanded an explanation of her behavior. Saunders was unrepentant. She said that she got paid to be a secretary, not a baby-sitter. Then she said,{{cquote|Senator, when I first came to this town, my eyes were big blue question marks. Now they're big green dollar marks.}}

Paine then reminded Saunders, in no uncertain terms, that "some changes" would occur, and if all went as planned, Saunders could look forward to rising with Paine. In short, Joseph Paine was promising that Clarissa Saunders, if she played her cards right, could look forward to a secretarial position in the [[White House]]. (Whether he was also promising an association even more intimate than that, in consideration of his status as a widower, is impossible to determine; the only reason that he would not promise a thing like that would be that Clarissa Saunders was far below his social station.) The price was purely nominal: all she had to do was to keep Jefferson Smith occupied, make sure that such disgraceful incidents with the press did not recur, and above all, keep Jefferson Smith away from anything that smacked of politics. Saunders asked specifically whether that included the Willett Creek Dam, and Paine confirmed that.

== Swearing in ==
In the late morning, Paine walked to the Capitol and over to the Senate Wing. As he passed through the Senate cloakroom, several of his colleagues wished him well, saying, "See you in the White House!"—an obvious reference to his White House aspirations and the still-current assumption that President Roosevelt would not seek a third term. To his relief, Jeff Smith was at his assigned desk; when Smith made a point of telling Paine that he was using the desk that Senator [[Daniel Webster]] had once used, Paine observed that the late Senator Webster certainly would not mind. He then asked Smith to hand him his credentials and wait.

The [[Vice President of the United States]] (who, under the [[United States Constitution]], serves as President of the Senate), called the Senate to order, and then had to call the roll after Senator Milton Agnew, Democratic Party floor leader, suggested the absence of a [[quorum]]. The quorum issue settled, Paine then rose to present Smith's credentials and ask that the oath of Senatorial office be administered. The VP asked Smith to step forward—and then Senator Agnew raised a point of order, citing the embarrassing press coverage as evidence that Smith was not qualified to sit.

At first Smith tried to defend himself, and the Vice-President sharply reminded him that he had no floor privileges until he had taken the oath. Paine himself answered Senator Agnew, saying that Smith was entirely innocent in the matter and had been misquoted. Agnew made one further attempt to object, but the Vice-President overruled him and proceeded to administer the oath. That done, Senator Agnew manfully apologized to Smith, who accepted with grace. Paine told Smith, {{cquote|Don't worry about the others; they're just Senators.}}

== Bills ==
That evening, Smith called Paine at his home and asked to see him. Paine agreed. When Smith appeared, his suit was rumpled and the knuckles of his right hand were slighly skinned, as if he had been in a physical altercation. Incredibly, Smith confirmed Paine's unspoken assumption, that he had been in not one altercation, but several, all with the reporters who had written the lampooning stories about him.

Then Smith told Paine the real reason for his concern: that those reporters had told him that he was nothing more than an "honorary stooge," sent to "decorate a chair," and that he had to admit that they were correct. Smith suggested that perhaps Paine ought to brief him on the upcoming bills. Paine demurred, saying, {{cquote|These bills have been put together by the finest legal minds. I don't understand half of them myself, and I used to be a lawyer.}}

Smith did not feel that this would satisfy his critics, so he pressed the matter further. Then Paine had an idea. Several of those articles had said that Smith had expressed his desire to have the government build a National Boys' Camp in Colorado, and to have boys all over America pay the government back with nickel-and-dime contributions. Paine suggested to Smith that he write a bill to accomplish precisely that. Smith warmed to the idea, saying that if he could accomplish that one act, then his entire Senate experience would be worthwhile.

At this point, Susan met Smith again, and seemed to enjoy teasing Smith. Paine did not interfere, even when Smith backed up against a table and knocked it over, causing a table lamp, an ashtray, and several items of bric-a-brac to tumble to the floor. Smith hastily picked everything up, though Paine advised him to leave them, and then beat a hasty retreat. Susan burst out laughing, and Paine said,{{cquote|At the expense of some of the furniture, you seem to have made another conquest.}}

== Conflict of Legislation ==
Paine was very much surprised when Smith appeared in the Senate the next day and rose to address the chair to introduce a bill. How could Smith have written a bill so quickly, even with Saunders' help? But his surprise rapidly turned to alarm when Smith gave the proposed location of his camp: Willett Creek, the same place where James Taylor's dam was to be built.

Paine rose from his desk, caught the eye of Chick McGann who was in the "Friends of Senators" portion of the gallery, and jerked his head to one side. McGann took the hint and half ran, half stumbled up the gallery steps to the exit. The two men met in the hallways and made a hasty exit from the Capitol. The two men faced a dilemma: the Deficiency Bill was scheduled for a detailed reading the next day in the Senate, and when Section Forty, the section including the dam, was read, Smith would hear that and would immediately question it.

McGann suggested taking Smith on a tour of Washington's many memorials and monuments, but Paine rejected that idea, saying, "This boy is honest, not stupid."

Then McGann opened his mouth again, and said, "Susan!"

Paine said frostily, "My daughter is not here to carry out assignments like that for anybody." But McGann insisted that they had no other recourse.

Paine broached the proposal to Susan that afternoon in their home, and Susan received the idea with girlish enthusiasm. Though the film does not make Paine's attitude clear, he might have had his first attack of shame at seeing his daughter willing to throw herself at a man for political gain. Susan knew exactly what to do: she would host a reception for some visiting foreign dignitaries ("princes" to be precise, though whether [[Arab]]ic or [[Europe]]an, the film never makes clear), and even have Saunders take Smith shopping for black-tie formal attire and a haircut and a manicure. She then would have Smith appear as her escort for this reception.

Paine did not attend this reception. Instead he sat in the Senate, listening to the reading of the Deficiency Bill. Now he wanted nothing more than to vote on that bill, see it passed, and have done with it. Sadly, that was not to be.

== Smith Alerted ==
The first sign of the unraveling occurred when Paine returned home only to have Smith insist on seeing him there. Paine was thunderstruck to hear from Smith all about the proposed Willett Creek Dam. Apparently Saunders had blurted it all out to Smith while cleaning out her desk for a hasty departure from Washington—and what could have prompted her to take that Parthian shot, Paine never thought to speculate on.

At first, Paine tried to argue for the project on its merits. He ought to have known that Smith, with his forestry background, would have none of that. Indeed, Smith pointed out that Colorado had more than a hundred other places where a dam would be much more useful. He then mentioned having spoken to Kenneth Allen, who owned some of the land bordering Willett Creek, and Mr. Allen had said nothing about any dam. (And of course Allen wouldn't, because Allen was one of Taylor's confederates, though of course Smith did not know this.)

When Smith said that he would not vote on the Deficiency Bill until he got some questions answered, Paine told Smith that he was "fighting windmills." By way of explanation, Paine said, {{cquote|You're trying to understand in a minute a project that took two years to set up, the importance, the benefits,...}}

At that last word, Smith asked, "Benefits? Who's Taylor?"

That came as an even greater shock. Paine asked, "What?"

"James Taylor," Smith repeated. "What has he to do with this?"

Chick McGann, who was present, rather foolishly opened his mouth to ask Smith why James Taylor should necessarily have anything to do with it. It was the wrong place, the wrong time, and the wrong question. Smith then blurted out,{{cquote|I've been told that this whole thing is his idea to get graft.}}

That was it. The game was up. Paine desperately tried to regain the initiative by asking Smith whether he fully realized that he was now accusing Paine himself of being a party to graft. Chick McGann didn't even wait that long. He excused himself, rushed into an adjoining room, and shut the door.

== Confrontations ==
Paine would only learn later that McGann was calling James Taylor. The next thing Paine knew, he was with Taylor in his hastily-taken hotel suite, along with the three Colorado House members most involved in the Willett Creek Dam project. All three were pleading with Taylor to get Smith off their case and get Smith to stop hounding them. Paine protested and expressed his resentment of Taylor for coming to Washington when he ought to have trusted Paine to deal with this affair.

Then the doorbell rang. Taylor said, "That would be Smith. Chick, let him in."

Paine was shocked all over again. Taylor had summoned Smith to this meeting! Paine knew what would happen next, and it was not pretty. He then delivered an ultimatum: if Taylor insisted on reading the riot act to Smith, then he could do it without Paine's help. "Count me out," he said.

Taylor ordered McGann to admit Smith, and then ushered Paine to the next room to ask him what he meant by "count me out." Paine tried to tell Taylor that such "steam-roller" methods as Taylor was accustomed to use were out of place in Washington. But the real reason for Paine's concern was that he did not want to see Smith disillusioned and "crucified." Taylor was worse than unmoved: he took this occasion to threaten Paine with the end of his political career, saying, "No hard feelings; we'll just have to manage without you."

Paine swallowed his gorge and apologized to Taylor. Taylor then smiled broadly and told Paine to go back to his office while Taylor talked to Smith.

Paine did return to his office, and left orders with his staff that they inform all callers that he was out-of-town. But he was not at all surprised when Smith showed up, did not accept that message, and barged into Paine's office. Paine asked him good-naturedly whether he had had a talk with Taylor. Then Smith said,{{cquote|Taylor told me that he has been telling you what to do for twenty years. I just called him a liar.}}

Now Paine had to lay it on the line. He told Smith bluntly that he was now in a grown-up world, by which he meant, quite simply, that Jefferson Smith was still a boy at heart and had never grown up himself. He spoke of checking one's ideals at the door. He then explained that, twenty years earlier, he had had the same decision to make as Smith now had, and Paine had made it: to compromise, so that he could continue to serve Colorado "in a hundred honest ways." Last of all, he begged Smith, for the sake of Paine's friendship with the late Clayton Smith, ''not to object'' in any manner to the Willett Creek Dam.

== The trial ==
Smith did not accept Paine's advice—and Taylor made plain that not only did he have a contingency plan in place should Smith still balk, but that Paine must play a role in it. And so when, on the next day, Smith rose to object to Section Forty, Paine interrupted for recognition. The Vice-President asked Smith whether he would willingly yield the floor to Paine, and Smith said that he would. What Smith expected him to do, Paine could not fathom. Now Paine put forward the first part of Taylor's plan: to accuse Smith, on the floor of the Senate, of attempting to set of a scheme for profiteering from the National Boys' Camp. Specifically, he said that Smith had bought the very land described in his bill on the day following his appointment to the Senate, and was holding that land in order to realize a tremendous personal profit from a sale of that land to the Federal government. He ended by calling for an immediate hearing before the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections (which in real life is probably the Senate Standing Committee on Standards of Official Conduct, otherwise known as "The Senate Ethics Committee").

James Taylor's witnesses testified before that Committee and demonstrated to Paine that Taylor had briefed them well. Governor Hopper told of receiving a breathless Kenneth Allen who told of having sold the land to Smith. Allen confirmed the sale, and even introduced a contract guaranteeing to Allen a 50% share in any profit to be derived from the sale. When Smith denied signing any such contract, the Committee called three different [[graphology|graphologists]], who by a "vote" of two to one declared that Smith's signatures on the contract and on the General Warranty Deed were genuine.

Finally, the Committee called Paine, who told the Committee his own rehearsed story: that when Smith had introduced his bill, Paine had pointed out that Willett Creek was already slated to have a dam built on it, that Smith had become terrifically angry and said, "Move the dam!", and that Paine had later learned of Smith's ownership interest in the land to be set aside for his Boys' Camp.

The Committee then called Smith to testify, and Smith, totally crestfallen, left the Committee room without saying a word.

That evening, James Taylor hosted another party at Paine's house. Paine sat aloof, finding nothing to celebrate.

== Filibuster ==
But on the next day, Smith surprised Paine yet again. First was Smith's very decision to appear in the Senate; when he answered to his name in the roll call, every Senator started to murmur, until the Vice President rapped for silence and ordered the roll call to continue.

Then the chairman of the P&E Committee delivered his report, concluding with a resolution to expel Smith from the Senate. Then Senator Agnew rose to put the question to an immediate vote—but at that very instant, Smith also shouted for recognition. Agnew tried to insist on retaining the floor, saying that Smith could have nothing to say to the Senate anymore, but again the Vice-President silenced him, saying, {{cquote|Senator Smith is still a member of this body, and as such has an equal claim on the attention of this chair.}}

Smith suggested that the VP was about to recognize him; the VP said that that was merely his impression. And then Saunders, from her position in the Friends of Senators gallery, shouted,{{cquote|Let him speak!}}

Saunders shouldn't even be in Washington at all! Obviously she had come back—and what she hoped to gain by switching her loyalties to Smith, Paine could scarcely imagine. Her outburst caused the entire gallery, with the possible exceptions of the press and diplomatic sections, to erupt with sympathetic calls. Clearly angry, the Vice-President rapped for silence and lectured the galleries on matters of etiquette and his own authority. Nevertheless, for reasons that Paine would never fully elucidate, the Vice-President recognized Smith.

Smith began to speak, and Paine rose to interrupt him. And that's when Smith surprised Paine yet again: when the Vice-President asked whether Smith would yield to him, Smith refused! Smith now made clear that he had received extensive tutelage in the arcane rules of the Senate, and that he was prepared to hold the floor as long as he needed.

Paine asked whether Smith would yield for a question; Smith said that he would. Paine then made an impassioned speech, with his question at the end of it, saying that Smith was guilty as charged. Smith replied that he was guilty as ''framed'', and then proceeded to tell the entire Senate about James Taylor and about the meeting in his hotel suite. Then Smith delivered his ultimatum: he would yield the floor only when the Senate agreed to postpone any further consideration of the Deficiency Bill for one week, during which time Smith would return to Colorado and gather witnesses and documentary evidence to prove his accusations.

Next Paine rose to a point of order; probably he was in a hurry, or he would have thought to rise to a point of personal privilege instead. His point was this: that Smith was now accusing Paine of colluding in criminal behavior. Smith denied the accusation, saying that he had never said that Paine himself had been at that meeting. That was when Paine told his second lie to the Senate: he said that he ''had'' been present, and that the purpose of the meeting was to urge Smith to resign from the Senate to avoid bringing disgrace on the State now that his "profiteering" scheme was exposed. Paine then delivered his peroration: that he refused to listen to Smith any longer, that he felt soiled to be in the same room with him, and that all his colleagues should follow him.

And so the entire Senate, with Paine in the lead, rose as one and left the chamber. But Smith was ready for that, too. As the Senators were filing out, Smith declared that he would speak to his State from where he stood, "even if it takes all winter," and, so saying, took out a vacuum bottle and several fresh fruits, vegetables, and rolls—as clear a demonstration as Paine needed that Smith intended to speak for a long time. And if Paine thought he could escape hearing Smith, he was disillusioned swiftly when the pages began shouting, "Quorum call!"

== Credibility questions ==
When, an hour or so later, the Vice-President turned his gavel over to the President ''pro tempore'' and came to the cloakroom to talk to Paine, Agnew, and several other Senators, every man present knew that Smith was playing for keeps, and was obviously prepared to speak for a very long time. One Senator asked the VP whether he could remove Smith from the floor by any means, and the VP said no. He then said that much of what "that boy" was saying, made a lot of sense.

Paine reacted in outrage, and received with similar outrage the suggestion by Senator Agnew that the Senate strike Section Forty from the Deficiency Bill so that it could pass without it. Paine said that Smith had threatened the integrity of the P&E Committee and even of the Senate itself. Paine also challenged Senator Agnew and the Vice-President to tell him straight to his face that they would accept Smith's word over his, this after he had known most of the men in this cloakroom for twenty years.

Another Senator supported Paine and suggested maintaining a quorum in relays and seeing how long Smith could last. Probably no man present could have predicted that Smith would last for twenty-four hours.

== Media manipulation ==
For all of Paine's bluster in confronting his fellow Senators, Paine was rapidly growing tired of the game. He took some time to see James Taylor, who was adamant in his determination to break Smith. Paine protested that he had used every rhetorical device at his command, but didn't "have the stomach for it anymore." Taylor replied sharply that if Smith succeeded in making anyone sympathize with him, Paine "might as well blow [his] brains out." He then ordered Paine to return to the Senate to carry on the fight, while ordering his lieutenants back home:{{cquote|The chips are down. I want you to keep everything that Smith says, or any other pro-Smith stuff coming out of Washington, out of all our newspapers, and out of as many more as you can line up. And as for those broken-down opposition papers who won't play ball with us, I want you to hold them up for twenty-four hours...why, stall their deliveries! Push them off the street! I don't care how you do it, but you do it for twenty-four hours; that's all the time I need!}}

== Collapse ==
Eventually, this media manipulation had the desired result: fifty thousand telegrams flooded in to the Capitol telegraph office from Colorado, all of them demanding that Smith yield the floor. Paine had them piled into waste-paper baskets and bundled into sheaves, and after Smith had indeed been speaking for twenty-four hours, Paine asked whether Smith would yield for a question. Smith, probably grateful for the interruption, did so. Then Paine asked whether Smith would be willing to read those fifty thousand telegrams.

Smith stepped forward and started to read the telegrams. Paine could tell that Smith was upset at what he read, though Paine strongly suspected that every word in those telegrams was a lie.

Then Smith turned to Paine and spoke directly to him:{{cquote|I guess this is just another lost cause, Mr. Paine. All you people don't know about lost causes; Mr. Paine does. He said once that they were the only causes worth fighting for. And he fought for them once, for the only reason any man ever fights for them. Because of just one plain, simple rule: love thy neighbor. And in this world today, full of hatred, a man who knows that one rule has a great trust. You know that rule, Mr. Paine. And I loved you for it, just as my father did. And you knew that you fight for the lost causes harder than for any others! Yes, you even die for them—like a man we both knew, Mr. Paine.}}

Then Smith addressed the entire Senate:{{cquote|You think I'm licked. You all think I'm licked. Well, I'm not licked! And I'm going to stay right here and fight for this lost cause, even if this room gets filled with lies like these, and the Taylors and all their armies come marching into this place! Somebody'll listen to me...somebody...}}

And then Smith collapsed to the floor, bringing down one of the waste-paper baskets with him.

Paine jumped to his feet and stared at Smith's prostrate form. Had Smith suffered a heart attack? For Paine, the world came crashing down as he told himself that that was exactly what had happened: that Jefferson Smith, a man who had thought the world of him, had pushed himself one word too far, and then had died on the floor of the Senate.

James Taylor had said to him that if Smith succeeded, Paine might as well blow his brains out. Paine could see no way to disagree with those words. Smith was now a martyr. Surely the media manipulation could never last forever. Several Coloradans no doubt had out-of-State relatives; surely James Taylor would not dare attempt to cut the State off from telephonic communication!

He did not say a word. He walked out of the Senate chamber and into the cloakroom. There he took out a thirty-eight-calibre revolver (the weapon most likely resembling that depicted, however, indistinctly, in the film) and raised it to his temple.

Before he could fire even one round, Senator Agnew grappled with him. Two shots went wild, making holes in the walls of the cloakroom; a third shattered a nearby wall sconce, and with that shot, the gun fell from his hand. Agnew shouted at Paine, "What is the matter with you?" Paine replied at the top of his lungs,{{cquote|I am not fit to be a Senator! I am not fit to live!}}

Then, seized with a uncontrollable urge, he tore his way free from Agnew and the other Senators attempting to restrain him, and burst into the chamber, still shouting:{{cquote|Expel me, not him! Willett Dam is a fraud! It is a crime against the people who sent me here, and I committed it! Every word that that boy has said is the truth—every word about Taylor, and me and graft, and the rotten political corruption in my State! Every word of it is true! I am not fit for office! I am not fit for any place of honor or trust! Expel me! Expel me!}}

The Senate erupted into pandemonium. All the Senate's pages shouted and jumped up and down with glee. Paine could hear Saunders letting out an ear-splitting Rebel Yell from her spot in the gallery. The Vice-President tried several times to rap for order, and then gave up and sat back in his chair.

== Aftermath ==
The rest of the story of Joseph Paine is not shown on film, and can only be inferred from observations of his behavior, and that of his friends and relatives and associates:

Eventually, even the excitement in the Senate died, and the Vice-President reminded Paine that if he had been offering his resignation, he had not offered it in a form that the chair could recognize. Paine then made his resignation official, effective immediately.

He learned later, to his immense and bittersweet relief, that Smith had not died, but had merely fainted. He would have been happy never to see or speak to James Taylor ever again. He called the Speaker of the Colorado Assembly and held himself available to give evidence against Taylor and any and all of his associates, before any forum that asked for it, including the Assembly Judiciary Committee, which was already preparing articles of [[impeachment]] against the Governor.

His daughter, Susan, was not nearly as understanding. She expressed extreme bitterness that she had been "that close" to being First Lady of the United States, that Jefferson Smith had ruined that for her, and that he, Joseph Paine, had also ruined that by his own failure of nerve. In the middle of this tirade, Paine received a message asking him to come back to the Capitol; Smith had regained consciousness and asked to see him. Against the rather strenuous protests of his daughter, Paine did return to the Capitol.

Smith's message for Paine was as plain as it was gracious: Smith harbored no ill will for Paine, because his real enemy was James Taylor, and that Paine had a chance to be the champion of lost causes that he once had been, and also a duty to tell the truth. That was probably all that stopped Paine from making a second suicide attempt, which probably would have succeeded.

Paine moved back to Jackson City and retired from public life. Susan refused to return with him, and for another year she remained as a fixture in the Washington cocktail circuit, though what she hoped to accomplish for herself, Paine could not imagine. But at length, a tearful Susan reappeared in Jackson City and apologized to her father—this after President Roosevelt made clear his decision to seek a third term, a decision that would have destroyed Paine's White House aspirations in any case, Smith or no Smith. Once that happened, Susan had faded to total irrelevance in Washington social circles, and had discovered, as her father had, that "friendships" having political advantage as their basis are no friendships at all.
{{endspoiler}}

== Typology ==
Paine is, as mentioned, an [[Literary type#Anti-hero|anti-hero]], one who makes a life-altering decision to serve evil rather than good. In his case, that course results in unmitigated disaster. He acts for what he actually believes are good and laudable motives, failing utterly to understand that the ends cannot and never do justify the means.

== Moral compromise ==
=== Compromised honor ===
Paine's first mistake was to compromise his honor in exchange for an easy campaign to enter the Senate. One cannot truly compromise honor; one must either uphold it, or violate it. Paine stood in violation, and those violations came to haunt him, when a young man entered his life and reminded him of the less-corrupt man he once had been.

=== Lack of fatherly discernment ===
Joseph Paine was also less than discerning as a father. A good father does not raise a daughter who thinks nothing of "turning her glamor" on a man for political gain. Yet that is what Susan Paine did at a key point in the story. Toying with a man's emotions was a trick she surely must have learned early in Washington; perhaps the loss of her mother allowed this ethical lapse to become manifest more quickly than it otherwise would have. That Jefferson Smith meant less than nothing to her was clearly evident when Smith had called on Paine at his house and then been unable to hold his hat in his hand while speaking to her (not to mention his knocking over a table on his way out), provoking her to nearly uncontrollable laughter. She would never ask such a man to be her escort if her father hadn't told her to—and that her father would give her such an instruction, after telling another man that she was "not available to take assignments like that from anybody," was further evidence of Joseph Paine's moral compromise.

=== Not reading bills ===
Paine's attitude toward the bills on which he voted is reflected in real life today, and has in fact become a national scandal. At one point he tells Jefferson Smith that he doesn't even understand half the bills that come before the Senate for debate. That line might have been one of several that caused real-life Senators and Representatives to walk out of the film in indignation halfway through its premiere showing in Washington in 1939. But today, many Senators and Representatives brazenly repeat that sentiment today.

This has provoked many expressions of voter outrage, the most recent and massive of which occurred on September 12, 2009, when more than a million citizens crowded into Washington and delivered a message almost to the Capitol steps:{{cquote|Read the bill!}}

[[Category:Literary Figures]]
[[Category:Movies]]

Fascism

2010-02-23T04:12:20Z

CameronT: spelling: "vehement", "cemetery"

'''Fascism''' today is a word used for attacking proposals to expand the government.

Historically, Fascism is a [[totalitarian]] economic and political ideology that arose in early twentieth-century Europe and came to dominate the social and political systems of Italy under [[Benito Mussolini]] and Germany under [[Adolf Hitler]]. It was influential in Portugal as well, and had followers in most European countries and in Argentina. The last fascism regime, that of [[Francisco Franco]] in Spain, came to an end in 1975.

The name "fascism" derives from an ancient Roman symbol, the ''[[fasces]],'' a group of birch rods bundled together with an axe. It symbolizes strength in unity; the rods are weak by themselves but strong when bundled together. Historian [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]] has stated, "The Fascists were not conservative in any very meaningful sense. They did not wish to preserve the existing order, or even to turn back the clock to some more stable century. They purposefully planned to transform the existing order into a new and all-absorbing authoritarianism, based upon the energies and frustrations of modern industrialism. The Fascists, in a meaningful sense, were [[Revolution|revolutionaries]]."<ref>[http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/schlesinger-notrightleft.html Not Right, Not Left, But a Vital Center], [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]], ''New York Times Magazine'', April 4, 1948.</ref>

== Beliefs ==
Fascists believe that all actions should be done for the good of the state; they reject [[classical liberalism]], which upholds the rights of the individual. It ignores or rejects Christianity. This definition expands to economic policy as well, with government and business working together for this end - this is called "corporatism."

Characteristics of fascism include a belief that the state is more important than the individual; a leaning towards authoritarian government and violence; preference for centralized [[economic planning]]; an emphasis on [[nationalism]] and national traditions; militarism; information control and censorship; media propagation of the Great Leader which demonizes and trivializes his critics; and a rejection of both free enterprise and [[Socialism]] in favor of [[corporatism|corporatist]] economic policies.

Fascist regimes have often concentrated on a "scapegoat" to push their agendas, such as the vehement Nazi attack on the [[Jewish|Jews]].

The characteristics of fascism also include rampant [[cronyism]] and [[corruption]], as well as rigged elections and a general disdain for human rights.<ref>Dr. Lawrence Britt "Fascism Anyone?," Free Inquiry, Spring 2003, page 20</ref>

== Examples ==

The prototypical fascist regime was that of [[Benito Mussolini]], who ruled Italy from 1922 to 1943. Other regimes which included corporatist elements are those of [[Francisco Franco]] in Spain (1936-1975) and [[Antonio Salazar]] in Portugal (1932-1968). German [[Nazism]] referred to government mandated corporatist entities as industrial cartels and added an obsession with [[race]]. Austrian economist [[Friedrich Hayek]] observed in the final stages of [[World War II]], "the rise of fascism and [[Marxism]] was not a reaction against the socialist trends of the preceding period but a necessary outcome of those tendencies. Yet it is significant that many of the leaders of these movements, from Mussolini down (and including [[Laval]] and [[Quisling]]) began as socialists and ended as fascists or Nazis. <ref>Friedrich A. Hayek, [http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-publication43pdf?.pdf ''Road to Serfdom'',] Reader's Digest Condensed Version, April 1945, pg. 31 - 32.</ref>

==Inspiration for the New Deal==
:''Main article: '''[[New Deal]]'''''

Italian Premier [[Benito Mussolini]] was convinced that the [[New Deal]] was copying Fascist economic policies.<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=NLiFIEdI1V4C A History of Fascism, 1914-1945]’’ (University of Wisconsin Press, 1996) ISBN 0299148742, p. 230</ref> Nazi Minister of Economics [[Hjalmar Schacht]] declared that President [[Franklin Roosevelt]] had the same economic idea as [[Hitler]] and Mussolini;<ref> William E. Leuchtenburg, ‘’[http://ia311511.us.archive.org/3/items/franklindrooseve006302mbp/franklindrooseve006302mbp.pdf Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal]’’ (Harper & Row, 1963), p. 203</ref> the official Nazi Party organ, ''Völkischer Beobachter'', applauded “Roosevelt’s adoption of [[National Socialist]] strains of thought in his economic and social policies.”<ref> Wolfgang Schivelbusch, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=Z3GV5_n1h04C Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939]’’ (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, p. 19</ref> Hitler expressed admiration for FDR’s approach, saying, “I have <ref>[http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20716F839591A728DDDA90994DF405B838FF1D3],</ref> sympathy with President Roosevelt because he marches straight toward his objective over Congress, over lobbies, over stubborn bureaucracies.” FDR's Secretary of the Interior [[Harold L. Ickes|Harold Ickes]] conceded that “what we were doing in this country were some of the things that were being done in Russia and even some of the things that were being <ref>[http://www.claremont.org/publications/crb/id.1502/article_detail.asp done under Hitler]</ref> in Germany. But we were doing them in an orderly way.”

The Italian Fascist Party program, first promulgated in 1919, demanded “Suppression of incorporated joint-stock companies, industrial or financial. Suppression of all speculation by banks and stock exchanges,” and “Control and taxation of private wealth. Confiscation of unproductive income.”<ref> Count Carlo Sforza,’’[http://books.google.com/books?id=5a0EHPh-X-YC Contemporary Italy - Its Intellectual and Moral Origins] (Read Books, 2007) ISBN 1406760307), pp. 295-296</ref> The Fascists called this economic system ''corporativismo'' (corporativism). As UCLA international relations and political science professor Herbert Steiner observed in 1938, “So substantial are the limitations under which private property and capital are exercised in Italy, that the conception of ‘capitalism’ is avowedly destroyed and replaced by ''corporativismo''.”<ref> H. Arthur Steiner, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=1LqtuYl43dwC Government in Fascist Italy]’’ (McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938), p. 92</ref>

===National Recovery Administration===
:''Main article: '''[[National Recovery Administration]]'''
The centerpiece of the New Deal was the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) of 1933, which was “similar to experiments being carried out by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini in Italy and by the Nazis in Adolf Hitler's Germany,” according to John A. Garraty, <ref>[http://sah.columbia.edu/about/history.html past president]</ref> of the Society of American Historians.<ref> John Arthur Garraty, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=DGRuAAAAMAAJ The American Nation]’’, 4th ed., vol. 2 (Harper & Row, 1979) ISBN 0060422696, p. 656</ref> NIRA established the [[National Recovery Administration]] (NRA), “the New Deal’s attempt to bring to America the substance of Mussolini’s corporativism.”<ref>Leonard Peikoff, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=2_xpAAAAIAAJ The Ominous Parallels]’’ (Stein and Day, 1982) ISBN 081282850X, p. 293</ref> As one NRA study concluded, “The Fascist principles are very similar to those which have been evolving in America and so are of particular interest at this time.”<ref>Janet C. Wright, "Capital and Labor Under Fascism," National Archives, Record Group 9, Records of the National Recovery Administration,[http://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/009.html#9.2.4 Special Research and Planning Reports and Memoranda, 1933-35], Entry 31, Box 3</ref>

Just as Mussolini “organized each trade or industrial group or professional group into a state supervised trade association” that “operated under state supervision and could plan production, quality, prices, distribution, labor standards, etc.,”<ref> John T. Flynn, ‘’[http://mises.org/books/rooseveltmyth.pdf The Roosevelt Myth]’’ (The Devin-Adair Company, 1948) pp. 42-43</ref> the NRA “forced virtually all American industry, manufacturing, and retail business into cartels possessing the power to set prices and wages, and to <ref>[http://www.fee.org/pdf/the-freeman/1005RMEColumn.pdf]</ref> dictate the levels of production.”

U.S. Ambassador to Italy Breckinridge Long wrote to Roosevelt’s economic advisor [[Rexford Tugwell]], “Your mind runs along these lines [corporativism]… It may have some bearing on the code work under N.R.A.”<ref>Long to Tugwell, May 16, 1934, [http://lccn.loc.gov/mm%2078030502 Breckinridge Long Papers], Box 111, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress)</ref> Tugwell, the “most prominent of the Brain Trusters and the man often considered the chief ideologist<ref>[http://www.fff.org/freedom/0201e.asp FDR — The Man, the Leader, the Legacy], Part 11
by Ralph Raico, Future of Freedom Foundation, February 2001. </ref> of the ‘first New Deal’ (roughly, 1933–34),” said, “I find Italy doing many of the things which seem to me necessary…. Mussolini certainly has the same people opposed to him as FDR has. But he has the press controlled so that they cannot scream lies at him daily.”<ref>Jonah Goldberg, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=wHihWKJE3asC Liberal Fascism: the Secret History of the American Left, from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning] (Random House, Inc., 2008) ISBN 0385511841, p.156</ref>

As head of the NRA and thus “FDR’s leading bureaucrat,”<ref>[http://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/hsjohnson.htm Hugh Samuel Johnson],
Arlington National Cemetery Website.</ref> the President appointed<ref>[http://www.condenaststore.com/VanityFair/ProdDetail.aspx?prodId=19968 General Hugh Johnson], Vanity Fair.</ref> General Hugh Johnson, who was granted “almost unlimited powers over industry.” <ref>[http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0716FC3E5F1A7A93CBA8178ED85F478385F9 NEW LAW IS ANTICIPATED; President Telephones Associate of Baruch of His Selection. ANSWER AWAITS PASSAGE As Administrator, He Would Have Under Roosevelt Vast Powers Over Business. LEADER IN DRAFTING BILL Plans Made to Put Measure in Operation Within Week After It Is Enacted. JOHNSON CHOSEN INDUSTRY CHIEF], The [[Associated Press]], May 19, 1933. </ref> According to economist Thayer Watkins (who teaches economic history<ref>[http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/economics/faculty/thayer.htm Thayer Watkins, Ph.D], San Jose State University.</ref> at California’s San José State University), Johnson was “an admirer of Mussolini’s National Corporatist system<ref>[http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/corporatism.htm The Economic System of Corporatism], Thayer Watkins, San José State University. </ref> in Italy and he drew upon the Italian experience in formulating the [[New Deal]].” Walker F. Todd, research fellow at the American Institute for Economic Research, agrees that Johnson “did admire greatly what Mussolini appeared to have done,” and identifies the NRA as a “thoroughly corporativist” <ref>[http://www.aei.org/docLib/Todd%20-%20The%20Federal%20Reserve%20Board%20and%20the%20Rise%20of%20the%20Corporate%20State.pdf The Federal Reserve Board and the Rise of the Corporate State, 1931-1934], Walter F. Todd, Economic Education Bulletin, Great Barrington, Massachusetts (ISSN 0424–2769) (USPS 167–360),</ref> idea.

Johnson was said to carry around with him a copy of Raffaello Viglione’s pro-Mussolini book,<ref>http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Fascism.html</ref> ''The Corporate State''<ref>‘’http://books.google.com/books?id=vIJQHAAACAAJ</ref>, even presenting a copy to Secretary of Labor [[Frances Perkins]].<ref>Frances Perkins, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=AIEhAAAAMAAJ The Roosevelt I Knew]’’ (The Viking press, 1946) p. 206. Socialist (Kent Worcester, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=TwTTArAPWswC C.L.R. James: A Political Biography]’’ [SUNY Press, 1995] ISBN 079142751X, p. 175) George Rawich wrote that Perkins told him Johnson gave each member of the Cabinet a book by [http://www.marxists.org/archive/rawick/1969/xx/self.html Fascist theoretician Giovanni Gentile], “and we all read it with great care.” Schivelbusch suggests the book was actually [http://www.lewrockwell.com/dilorenzo/dilorenzo172.html Mussolini advisor] Fausto Pitigliani’s ‘’The Italian Corporativist State.’’ (‘’Three New Deals’’, p. 203, n. 28)</ref> In his 1934 retirement speech, he invoked what he called the “shining name” of Mussolini.<ref>Arthur Meier Schlesinger, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=mj3VmJ38tHIC The coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935]’’ (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2003) ISBN 0618340866, p. 153</ref> According to Jonah Goldberg, Johnson displayed a portrait of ‘’Il Duce’’ in his NRA office and actually “distributed a memo at the Democratic Convention proposing that FDR become a Mussolini-like dictator.”<ref>http://corner.nationalreview.com/post/?q=Mjc0ZmFlMDFiNDJkODdjYjE3NDY5OGVlY2JiZWRmNjM= </ref>

===Agricultrual Adjustment Administration===
:''Main article : '''[[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]]'''''
Roosevelt appointed Johnson’s former business partner [[George Peek]] to head the [[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]] (AAA). Both men had “worked with the War Industries Board, the agency that regulated American production during [[World War I]], and they believed their experience of managing an economy almost totally sealed off from the world market would suit the country now.”<ref> Eric Rauchway, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=BtSU6ZaCbzMC The Great Depression & the New Deal: A Very Short Introduction]’’ (Oxford University Press, 2008) ISBN 0195326342, p. 76</ref> They had long advocated a policy of expanding tariffs to keep foreign agricultural products out of the United States,<ref> William J. Barber , ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=Nks8pTPnsVYC From New Era to New Deal: Herbert Hoover, the Economists, and American Economic Policy, 1921-1933]’’ (Cambridge University Press, 1989) ISBN 0521367379, p. 50</ref> a policy that would have again rendered the U.S. economy “almost totally sealed off from the world market”<ref> Neil Vousden, ‘’[http://books.google.com/books?id=uabXBMnp7XgC The Economics of Trade Protection]’’ (Cambridge University Press, 1990) ISBN 052134669X, p. 91</ref>—a fair approximation of “ autarky,”<ref>http://www.economist.com/research/economics/alphabetic.cfm?letter=A#autarky</ref> an economic policy particularly but not exclusively “associated with Nazi economic organization.” <ref>http://www.history-ontheweb.co.uk/concepts/autarky.htm</ref>

===Admiration for Mussolini and Hitler===

The ''[[New York Times]]'' reported that the mood in [[Washington]] in 1933 was “strangely reminiscent of Rome in the first weeks after the march of the Blackshirts, of [[Moscow]] at the beginning of the Five-Year Plan... America today literally asks for orders.” The Roosevelt administration, reported the ''Times,'' “envisages a federation of industry, labor and government after the fashion of the corporative State as it exists in Italy.”<ref>http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F60A1FFF3E5C16738DDDAE0894DD405B838FF1D3</ref>

Roosevelt privately found Mussolini "admirable," writing to his personal friend John Lawrence, "I don't mind telling you in confidence, that I am keeping in fairly close touch with that admirable Italian gentleman." <ref>David F. Schmitz, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Pzt2AAAAMAAJ The United States and fascist Italy, 1922-1940]'' [University of North Carolina Press, 1988 ISBN 080781766X, p. 139)</ref> FDR also wrote to U.S. Ambassador to Italy Breckinridge Long about Mussolini, "I am much interested and deeply impressed by what he has accomplished and by his evidenced honest purpose of restoring Italy and seeking to prevent general European trouble." <ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=aHEbAAAAIAAJ F.D.R., His Personal Letters, Vol. 3] [Ed. Elliott Roosevelt] [Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1947], p. 352.</ref>

Hitler likewise expressed "admiration" for Roosevelt's economic policies, and said he was in accord with" Roosevelt's "moral demand," which he identified as the "quintessence of German philosophy of the State," as he wrote in a letter<ref>http://www.cdojerusalem.org/icons-multimedia/ClientsArea/HoH/LIBARC/ARCHIVE/Chapters/Forging/Foreign/Message.html</ref> to U.S. Ambassador to Germany [[William Dodd]].

===Fascist means to liberal ends===

[[George Soule]], editor of the pro-Roosevelt ''[[New Republic]]'' magazine, wrote in his 1934 book ''The Coming American Revolution'',<ref>George Soule, [http://books.google.com/books?ei=R4CcSoqXK6SCywSm9tzwDg&id=I89fAAAAIAAJ ''The Coming American Revolution]'', p. 294.</ref> "We are trying out the economics of Fascism without having suffered all its social or political ravages." In the ''North American Review'' in 1934, the progressive writer Roger Shaw described the New Deal as “Fascist means to gain liberal ends.”<ref>http://www.reason.com/news/show/122026.html</ref>

== World War II Era ==
Fascism as an ideological theory was comprehensively discredited in the eyes of most Westerners because of the defeat of the [[Axis]] powers in [[World War II]].

== Modern Times ==

"Fascist" is today frequently used as a term of abuse both on the left and on the right against one's political opponents. While few people are willing to describe themselves as fascists or endorse the fascist regimes of the past, fascist parties and parties descended from fascist parties (such as the [[Alleanza Nazionale]] in [[Italy]]) continue to be a minor force in European politics. Fascism seems not to flourish in countries with an Anglo-centric heritage: America, Australia and Canada have never had significant fascist movements, and the [[British Union of Fascists]] was never an important force in British politics; though it was significant enough for the government to consider its leader, Sir Oswald Mosley, dangerous enough to intern during the war.

==See Also==
*[[Nazism]]
==Further reading==
* Eatwell, Roger. ''Fascism: A History.'' (1996). 432 pp.
* Laqueur, Walter. ''Fascism: Past, Present, Future.'' (1996). 245 pp.
* Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Fascism, 1914-1945.'' U. of Wisconsin Press, 1995. 613 pp. the standard history, by a leading conservative historian

==References==
<references/>

[[category:Forms of Government]]
[[category:Fascists]]
[[category:Dictators]]
[[category:World War II]]

Theistic evolution

2010-02-23T04:09:01Z

CameronT: spelling: "criticized"

{{rewrite|It is confusing; despite my adding some definitions, it still fails to address whether "evolution" means "[[unguided evolution]]"}}
'''Theistic evolution''', one form of [[Old Earth Creationism]], has been defined in more than one way:
*Theistic evolution (or "evolutionary creation") is the view that [[evolution]] occurred, but was planned and guided by [[God]]. <ref> [http://www.rationalchristianity.net/creation_evolution.html Reconciling Creation and Science], by an evangelical Protestant Christian identified only as India (her first name) </ref>
*The belief that God planned and created the universe in such a way that life would come into being without any further supernatural intervention

Sometimes it is not a specific theory of how life originally came into being, or how new species of life arose, but is merely:
*the belief that [[creationism]] can be compatible with the [[Theory of Evolution|theory of evolution]].<ref>http://www.apologeticspress.org/articles/1990</ref><ref>http://www.asa3.org/ASA/education/origins/methods2.htm</ref><ref>http://www.asa3.org/ASA/education/origins/te-guided.htm#top2 "another old-earth view, evolutionary creation (also called theistic evolution), natural evolution was God's method of creation, with the universe designed so physical structures (galaxies, stars, planets) and complex biological organisms (bacteria, fish, dinosaurs, humans) would naturally evolve." </ref>

In most forms it asserts that life evolved from a common ancestor created by God, who then steered evolution indirectly as a process of creation, and later gave souls to the first humans to raise them above the animals. Proponents of theistic evolution often emphasize the overall message of Genesis and assert that the details of the story are not meant to be taken literally.<ref>http://www.asa3.org/ASA/education/origins/methods2.htm</ref> <ref>http://www.answersingenesis.org/creation/v17/i4/theistic_evolution.asp</ref> <ref>http://www.talkorigins.org/faqs/faq-god.html</ref>

Theistic evolutionists reject [[special creation]] of nature and its inhabitants and mankind as declared in Genesis chapters one and two and agree that humans and apes shared a common primatical ancestor. The position has come under attack from a variety of sources - Young Earth Creationists raise all of their standard objections to evolution as well as various theological and exegetical problems. Meanwhile, various agnostics and [[atheists]] have accused proponents of theistic evolution of not going far enough or of tacking on various ideas for their own emotional comfort and not for any evidence-based reasoning.

In October 1996, [[Pope John Paul II]] officially declared that evolution and Catholicism are not incompatible; this remains the official standpoint of the Catholic Church <ref>Truth Cannot Contradict Truth, Address of Pope John Paul II to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (October 22, 1996) <i>Catholic Library</i>v[http://www.newadvent.org/library/docs_jp02tc.htm]</ref>.

[[William Jennings Bryan]] wrote that "Theistic evolution may be defined as an anesthetic which deadens the patient’s pain while [[atheism]] removes his religion.”

==Theistic evolution and Intelligent Design==

Although theistic evolution and [[intelligent design]] (ID) are superficially similar, ID design proponents have made clear that the two are not the same thing. [[William Dembski]] has gone so far as to say that, "as far as design theorists are concerned, theistic evolution is American evangelicalism's ill-conceived accommodation to Darwinism."<ref>''What every theologian should know about creation, evolution, and design'' Center for Interdisciplinary Studies Transactions 3(2), William Demsbki</ref>

The primary difference between the two is the perceived role of [[proof]]. While most theistic evolutionists are content to accept God on faith alone, intelligent design proponents seek to prove the necessary existence of a designer in the creation of life by scientific means.

==Theistic evolution and Progressive Creationism ==
Theistic evolution is not the same as [[Progressive Creationism]], as the latter rejects evolution and posits a series of distinct creation events.

==Theistic evolution and Gap Theory ==
Theistic evolution is clearly distinct from [[Gap theory]], which robustly rejects any concept of evolutionary thought.

== Criticisms of Theistic Evolution ==

Theistic evolution has been criticized from a larger variety of directions, including Young Earth Creationists, Old Earth Creationists, [[atheism|atheists]] and [[agnostic]]s. [[Young Earth Creationism|Young Earth Creationists]] and some [[Old Earth Creationism|Old Earth Creationists]] generally consider Theistic Evolution to be [[heretical]] or at best, contrary to Biblical teachings. <ref>http://www.christiananswers.net/q-aig/aig-c015.html</ref><ref>http://www.answersingenesis.org/creation/v11/i4/christian.asp</ref><ref>http://www.apologeticspress.org/articles/1990</ref><ref>http://www.answersingenesis.org/creation/v11/i4/christian.asp</ref>. However, many Young Earth Creationists agree that correct knowledge of how they believe God created humanity and such is not a necessary condition for salvation.<ref>http://www.christiananswers.net/q-aig/aig-c015.html</ref><ref name="Gish"> "belief in the historicity of Genesis is not essential to our salvation." Duane Gish ''Is it possible to be a Christian and an evolutionist?'' http://www.answersingenesis.org/creation/v11/i4/christian.asp</ref> A notable proponent of theistic evolution is biologist [[Ken Miller]].<ref>http://bioinfo.med.utoronto.ca/Evolution_by_Accident/Theistic_Evolution.html</ref>
Proponents of theistic evolution have been accused of subtly undermining science piece by piece.<ref>http://sandwalk.blogspot.com/2006/11/ed-brayton-speaks.html</ref>

== External links ==
* [http://www.asa3.org American Scientific Affiliation], the largest organization of scientists who are Christians and who believe evolution to be true.

== References ==
{{reflist|2}}

[[Category:Origins Debate]]
[[Category:Creationism]]

Nexus War

2010-02-23T04:05:28Z

CameronT: spelling: "existence", "criticized"

'''Nexus War''' was a browser-based [[MMORPG]] set in a alternate universe where the forces of [[Law]] and [[Chaos]] were locked in a constant battle. On October 11th 2009, the game was shut down, due to financial problems.

It was influenced by, among others, [[Urban Dead]]<ref>[http://wiki.nexuswar.com/index.php/FAQ#What.27s_the_Relationship_to_Urban_Dead.3F What's the Relationship to Urban Dead?]</ref>.

== Criticism ==

The game was during its existence sometimes criticized for its portrayal of a [[Polytheism|polytheistic]] [[pantheon]] known as the [http://wiki.nexuswar.com/index.php/Elder_Powers Elder Powers], containing several different deities, some of which were portrayed in a way similar to that of [[Satan]].

== References ==

<references/>

== External Links ==

*[http://www.nexuswar.com/ Official homepage]
*[http://wiki.nexuswar.com/index.php/Main_Page Official wiki]
*[http://wiki.nexuswar.com/index.php/Main_Page Official forums]

[[Category:Video Games]]

Messianic Judaism

2010-02-23T04:04:21Z

CameronT: spelling: "definition", "prominent", "expression", "banquets", "Holidays", "existence", "Messianic", "exploitation", caps, and many others.

[[Image:Olive tree.jpg|right|thumb|250px|The olive tree has long been used as a symbol in Messianic Judaism: "''Thou, being a wild olive tree, were grafted in among them''" (Romans 11:17)]]
'''Messianic Judaism''' is a religious movement which:<ref>Robinson, B. [http://www.religioustolerance.org/mess_jud.htm ''Messianic Judaism''] Religious Tolerance. Accessed 21 February 2008</ref><ref>''There is no '''contemporary''' founder or leader and no single group or individual speaks for all Messianics. However, most Messianics would generally accept these points.''</ref>

*regards its members to be committed [[Jew]]s.
*believes that [[Jesus Christ]] is the [[Messiah]] spoken of in the [[Tanakh]] ([[Old Testament]]), they call Jesus , Yeshua.
*believes that it is following the practices and beliefs of the very early church.
*follows an [[Evangelical Christian]] [[theology]].

They differ from other Jews over their beliefs about the Messiah. Messianic Congregations are made up of people of Jewish and non-Jewish backgrounds, and are distinctly Jewish in [[culture]]. All celebrate Jewish [[Holy Days]] and support the State of [[Israel]], and most have their main service on the seventh day [[Sabbath]]. They believe that all of the [[Bible]], both the Tanakh and the [[New Testament]], is inspired by [[God]], and that the New Testament was written by Jewish writers to announce to the world the arrival of the long awaited Jewish Messiah.

All Jewish [[denomination]]s reject Messianic Judaism on the principle that belief in Jesus automatically makes them Christian, and therefore outside of the Jewish community. In fact, Messianic Judaism fits the definition of Christian provided in the dictionary. Many view Messianic Judaism as a dangerous and subversive form of [[apostasy]].



==Early history of Messianic Judaism==

Members of Messianic Judaism believe Messianic Judaism predates Christianity by several decades, and Christianity evolved from the Messianic Judaism of the first century. They assert [[Jesus]] and his [[disciple]]s were all Jews. Furthermore, they interpret the Bible to mean that Jesus is the prophesied Messiah of Judaism, not to form a new religion. Whether the early Jewish followers of Jesus "left" Judaism to follow him is still debated today.

The first people to be known as Christians were the Gentiles in [[Antioch]] ([http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Acts%2011:20,21,26;&version=9; Acts 11:20,21,26]) but Christianity was still widely considered to be a sect of Judaism. In 70 AD, the [[Roman Empire|Roman]] general [[Titus]] sacked the city of [[Jerusalem]] and the [[Second Temple]] was burned down. It is estimated that as many as one million Jews died during the revolt.<ref>[http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/revolt.html ''The Great Revolt''] Jewish Virtual Library. Accessed 18 February 2008</ref> Many Jews were taken captive and deported to [[Italy]] where they were forced to build the [[Colosseum]] in [[Rome]]. The emperor [[Vespasian]] then introduced a tax (the "Fiscus Judaicus") to be paid by all Jews to finance the reconstruction of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Even after construction was completed, the tax was still levied, and was used as a measure to deter people from converting to Judaism.<ref>Lendering, Jona [http://www.livius.org/fa-fn/fiscus/judaicus.html ''Fiscus Judaicus''] "Articles on Ancient History" Livius. Accessed 18 February 2008</ref> Well into the second century, Gentile Christians were also required to pay the ''fiscus judaicus'' and persecuted as a sect of Judaism. Messianic Jews believe the Christians tried to escape this persecution, by widening the division between themselves and the Jews, and their practices became less and less Jewish.

WhatJewsBelieve.org says concerning the alleged Jewish roots of Christianity the following, "A Christian might ask, "But weren't the first Christians actually Jews?" Yes, but this is irrelevant. The first Protestants were Roman Catholics. Martin Luther was a Roman Catholic Priest. The Roman Catholics do not consider Protestant Christianity to be merely another form of Roman Catholicism.
If you read the Apocryphal book of I Maccabbees, you will see that the first person killed in the Maccabbee's rebellion was a Jew. He was willing to go ahead and sacrifice a pig to Zeus, just as Mattathias had refused to do. Obviously, he had to have been a very secular, assimilated Jew. Had he survived Mattathias's attack, and later formed a religion that was dedicated to the worship of Zeus and Zeus's half-human sons, would that make his newly formed faith just another form of Judaism? Should he call his new faith, "Jews For Zeus," or "Jews For Zeus And His Half-Human Sons?" Would that mean that his new faith had "Jewish Roots?" "
<ref>http://whatjewsbelieve.org/explanation10.html</ref>

==The wild olive branch==
The church in Rome was begun as a Jewish fellowship, started by those who returned from Pentecost in Jerusalem,<ref>[http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Acts%202%20;&version=9; Acts 2]</ref> not by an [[apostle]]. As these Jewish believers evangelized, many Gentile believers joined them. Around 50 AD [[Claudius]] banished many Jews from Rome,<ref>Barclay, John M. G.; Hooker, Morna Dorothy and McMurdo, John Philip (ed.) "Early Christian Thought in Its Jewish Context" (Cambridge University Press; 2007) ISBN 0-5210-4412-X</ref> leaving the church entirely Gentile. Twelve years later [[Nero]] invited the Jews back to stimulate trade. However the Gentiles refused to allow the Messianic Jewish believers back into the church, having concluded that Claudius' rejection signified God's rejection, which is probably the first appearance of [[Replacement Theology]].<ref>[http://fp.thebeers.f9.co.uk/olive.htm ''The Olive Tree and the wild olive branch''] "The Wild Olive Branch" Accessed 18 February 2008</ref>

[[Paul]]'s [http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Romans%209-11;&version=9; letter to the Roman church] addresses this matter, and he urges them to remember that they are like a "wild olive tree, grafted in" among the Jews, and warns them against "conceit", particularly as it is the Jewish root which supported their Christian branch. ([http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Romans%2011:17,18,25;&version=9; Romans 11:17,18,25])

However, by the time of the [[Council of Nicaea]] in 325, Christianity was both anti-Judaic and [[anti-Semitic]].<ref>As [[Constantine]] said at the Council: "''Let us then have nothing in common with the most hostile rabble of the Jews.''" Boyle, Isaac "A Historical View of The Council of Nicea" (T Mason and G Lane, New York; 1839)</ref>

==Comparison table==
Table comparing the mainstream '''beliefs''' of these movements with each other
{| class="wikitable" border="1" cellpadding="2"
|-
|
|Judaism
|Christianity
|Messianic Judaism
|-
|Trinity
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Divinity of Jesus
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Accept Talmud as authoritative
|yes
|no
|no
|-
|Accept New Testament as part of canon
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus is the son of God
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus is the messiah
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Hell exists
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Second coming of Jesus Christ
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus was born of a virgin
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus died on a cross for the sins of humanity
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus was resurrected from the dead
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Jesus is an intermediary between man and God
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Original Sin
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|skepticism towards evolution
|no*<ref>Even amongst Orthodox Jews, the mainstream belief is evolution happened, although generally Orthodox Jews believe in theistic evolution, meaning evolution but that it was caused by God.</ref>
|yes
|yes
|-
|follow teachings of past rabbis
|yes
|no
|no*<ref>Messianic Jews have even been known to criticize Judaism by calling it Rabbinic Judaism, despite the fact that Messianic Jews call their pastors, rabbis.</ref>
|-
|Jesus was God made flesh
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|interpretation of the text by a scholar should be preferred
|yes
|no, the laity's interpretation is equally valid to that of a scholar's interpretation
|no, the laity's interpretation is equally valid to that of a scholar's interpretation
|-
|Is Daniel a prophet?
|no
|yes, Jesus Christ called Daniel a prophet in the Gospels
|yes, Jesus Christ called Daniel a prophet in the Gospels
|-
|Is Enoch a prophet?
|no
|yes
|yes
|-
|Is Sarah a prophetess?
|yes
|no
|no
|-
|Has the messiah came?
|no
|yes, he is Jesus Christ
|yes, he is Jesus Christ
|-
|Who was the greatest prophet?
|Moses
|Jesus Christ
|Jesus Christ
|}

According to WhatJewsBelieve.org the idea that God became flesh disagrees with the words of the Bible saying,

"There is the verse from Hosea in which God specifically tells us that God is not a human being:

I will not execute the fierceness of mine anger, I will not return to destroy Ephraim: for I am God, and not a man; the Holy One in the midst of thee: and I will not enter into the city. Hosea 11:9

And then there is another verse, in Numbers 23:19, where God specifically tells us that if God were a human being, then he would be a liar, as all human beings do lie on occasion. Furthermore, this verse tell us that if God were a human being, he would be in need of repentance because all human beings sin at some point in their lives.
Finally, this verse also tells us that if God were a human being, then he would make promises, but not keep them:

God is not a man, that he should lie; neither the Son of Man, that he should repent: hath he said, and shall he not do it? or hath he spoken, and shall he not make it good? Numbers 23:19"

<ref>http://whatjewsbelieve.org/explanation08.html</ref>

==Criticism of Messianic Judaism==

Criticism of Messianic Judaism is predicated on the assumption that Judaism and Christanity are implacably incompatible: one must be either a Jew or a Christian: there is no such thing as a Jewish Christian or a Christian Jew. Attempts by groups like [[Jews for Jesus]] are seen in this light as outrageously deceptive.

The Central Conference of American Rabbis has stated: ''"For us in the Jewish community, anyone who claims that Jesus is their savior is no longer a Jew and is an apostate. Through that belief she has placed herself outside the Jewish community. Whether she cares to define herself as a Christian or as a 'fulfilled Jew,' 'Messianic Jew,' or any other designation is irrelevant; to us, she is clearly a Christian."''<ref>Robinson, B. [http://www.religioustolerance.org/mess_jud4.htm ''Opposition to Messianic Judaism''] Religious Tolerance. Accessed 21 February 2008</ref>
In acknowledging Jesus and the Christian Scriptures, these congregations are accepting many other theological concepts contrary to the Jewish belief system, including original sin, the devil and demonology, “vicarious blood atonement,” and the trinity, Margolis said.<ref name="a"/>

One rabbi said the following concerning Messianic Judaism: “Messianic congregations are Christians portraying themselves as Jews,” said Rabbi Richard Margolis, the leader of Temple Beth Sholom in Melbourne and a member of the Jewish Federation board of Brevard. In an e-mail, he added, “The issue is deceit. This is a deceptive missionary movement, organized and heavily funded by evangelical Christians whose sole purpose is to convert Jews to (fundamentalist) Christianity. There is nothing Jewish about any of this.”<ref name="a"/>
“I have great respect for the authentic Christian tradition and maintain an ongoing program of interfaith activities in our community,” Margolis said.
“But I cannot countenance couching fundamentalist Christianity in Jewish symbols.”<ref name="a">http://www.religionnewsblog.com/12955</ref>

Robinson states that "converts to Messianic Judaism are usually shunned by their Jewish families of origin and are excluded from the local Jewish community."

Many people, see Messianic Judaism, as the Church's last resort to convince Jews to accept Jesus as their messiah. Anti-missionaries, Jews who try to counter the work of Messianic missionaries have reported being assaulted. <ref>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1rS35_UnHRw</ref> The Jewish community has produced several groups to counter Messianic Judaism, which it sees as Evangelical Christianity disguised in Jewish garb, such as, Jews for Judaism, Outreach Judaism, and produced the Lets Get Biblical Series, a tape series produced by Outreach Judaism. The Jewish community often perceives Messianic Judaism as Christianity hijacking Judaism in order to convert Jews and misrepresenting Judaism to gain converts. They believe that Messianic Judaism is a corruption of the most deeply spiritual rituals and customs that honor Judaism's connection to God through Torah. Dr. David A. Rausch, associate professor of church history and Judaic studies at Ashland Theological Seminary, [[Ohio]], summed up the attitude of many Jewish people in the comment he was given by a member of the Jewish Defense League: ''"These Messianics are the [[Nazi]]s - the spiritual Nazis. They pretend to be Jews and use traditional Jewish symbols to trap children and the unsuspecting."''<ref>Rausch, David A. [http://www.religion-online.org/showarticle.asp?title=1339 ''The Messianic Jewish Congregational Movement''] Religion Online. Accessed 21 February 2008</ref> The sentiments are not confined entirely to Judaism; the same author was told by a Christian missionary: ''"To these "Messianic Jews" Jewishness means Judaism, a rabbinic Judaism of the Ashkenazic flavor. They neither have a real knowledge of Jewish history or of Jewish-Christian history, nor do they possess a good handle on biblical [[exegesis]]. Like the Ebionites of old they will finally blend into Judaism and deny the Messiah."''<ref>''ibid''</ref>

In the summer of 1987 in Washington D.C. (USA), there was held an Interfaith Conference of Metropolitan Washington. Partaking in the conference were representatives of various Protestant churches, Roman-Catholics, together with Moslems and representatives of Jewish organizations. The Conference concluded with an official statement (published in "Interfaith Connector" Vol. 8, No. 2) which stated:

"We condemn proselytizing efforts which delegitimize the faith tradition of the person whose conversion is being sought. Such tactics go beyond the bounds of appropriate and ethically based religious outreach. Examples of such practices are those common among groups that have adopted the label of Hebrew Christianity, Messianic Judaism, or Jews for Jesus. These groups specifically target Jews for conversion to their version of Christianity, making claim that in accepting Jesus as the savior/messiah, a Jews 'fulfills' his/her faith. Furthermore, by celebrating Jewish festivals, worshipping on the Jewish Shabbat, appropriating Jewish symbols, rituals and prayers in their churches, and, sometimes, even calling their leaders 'Rabbi', the seek to win over, often by deception, many Jews who are sincerely looking for a path back to their ancestral heritage. Deceptive proselytizing is practiced on the most vulnerable of populations - residents of hospitals and old aged homes, confused youth, college students away from home. These proselytizing techniques are tantamount to coerced conversions and should be condemned."<ref>http://www.faqs.org/faqs/judaism/FAQ/09-Antisemitism/</ref>

In 2008 the Israeli Supreme Court, ruled Messianic Jews can immigrate to Israel.<ref>http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1208870469395&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull</ref>

[[Jews for Judaism]] claims that
Messianic missionaries have used deceit to trick Jews into converting, such as not mentioning that Messianic Jews believe Jesus is God to people who they evangelize to to.<ref name="a1">http://www.jewsforjudaism.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=375&Itemid=420</ref>

Messianic organizations get most of their funding from Evangelical Christian organizations.<ref name="a1"/> In fact many Messianic organizations are former Evangelical Christian missions to Jews. For example, Messianic Jewish Alliance of America, one of the most well known Messianic organizations, was originally named the, Hebrew Christian Alliance of America, an Evangelical Christian organization geared towards spreading Christianity amongst Jews. Chosen People Ministries, another Messianic organization was originally named the, American Board of Missions to the Jews. Another organization called Jews for Jesus, which some identify with the Messianic movement, was founded in 1973 by Martin Meyer Rosen, an ordained Baptist minister. He had been a missionary for several years in the past geared towards converting Jews to Christianity, when he was unsuccessful he came up with Jews for Jesus.

==How Messianic Jews see themselves==
As a movement, modern Messianic Judaism is still very young. Prior to this, in the 1950s-1970s, Jews who believed in Jesus saw themselves as "Jewish Christians" or "Hebrew Christians" or a Christians of Jewish origins. Some were members of Churches, and some not but often met together to be "at home" with fellow Jewish believers. The most prominent organization of Jewish Christians was the Hebrew Christian Alliance of America , holding monthly meetings and annual banquets. It was not uncommon to hear Yiddish spoken at their meetings as well as English. But nowadays, Jewish expression among Jewish believers in Jesus is evinced in and through Messianic Congregations as well as home meetings rather than Churches. Many Messianic Jews in American are experiencing their 2nd and 3rd generation of believers and so provision is made for youth meetings and full family life that finds Jewish expression in the traditional home celebrations of Shabbat, Passover, Succoth and Hannukah celebrations. Messianic Jews also celebrate other of the Jewish Holidays but without the the religious and Halachic commandments and significances. For example, few Messianic Jews keep the Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur) halakhically as Jesus' atonement on the cross has preempted the traditional rational for the Day and few Jews keep Tisha B'Av—the Ninth of Av, a fast day that mourns the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem. On the other hand, Israel and its survival and its continued existence as a Jewish Nation and a homeland and a refuge for the Jews is almost universally supported by Messianic Jews, probably as much as among the non Messianic religious Jews, and probably much more than secular Jews. The foundation for this adherence to the rebirth and resurgence of Israel is more the Biblical promises of God that are believed in through the teaching and preaching of their Congregations than it being based on a nationalistic or cultural agenda. Most Messianic Jews see themselves as the "first fruits" or the advanced guard of the Jewish people coming to faith in Jesus as the Messiah of Israel and the Light of the Gentiles and most are evangelistically minded toward Jews as well as non Jews coming to faith in Jesus. However, few of them have adopted "Jewishness" as a means of attracting Jews to the faith. This is for the simple reason that almost all Messianics either have experienced a deep and sincere personal conversion to Jesus that has affirmed them in whatever Jewishness that was theirs, either great or little, or they have grown up as Messianics and the Jewishness they live in is already "second nature". It is, they feel, not up for sale, for exploitation, or for "commercial use" in evangelism. This is not to say that Messianic Jews are not learning in their Jewishness and that in step with their learning to follow Jesus as their Lord. In that way, many Messianic Jews "become" more Jewish, much in the same way that secular Jews become more Jewish. Most Messianic Jews are aware that to believe in Jesus is to be fulfilled personally in what God holds out for them and their people and are good Jews for doing so, and sincerely wish the same for their fellow Jews. Though Messianic Jews are sometimes thought to be merely Evangelical Christians in "Jewish disguise", and having the mainstay of Christian belief, this is not universally so. Groupings of Messianic Jews as well as individual ones, may be differing in their adherence to Christian trinitarian and incarnational theology, and range the full gamut in understanding and creedal confession - when there is a creed. There is also a great range of practice of the Mitzvot or practice of the religious law and custom. This range of belief and custom, is evinced among the congregations in Israel as well as in the Unite States. Messianic Jews see that they have an added mission as believers in Jesus. This is to bring to Christians a deeper knowledge of the "Hebrew roots" of their own Christian faith. In Israel, there is great opposition to Messianic Judaism, while at the same time, there is a growing awareness of the movement that is keeping pace with with the growing numbers of Israelis (estimated to be 15,000) that are turning to Yeshua (Jesus) in faith. This is the investigative reporting about the movement of a recent feature by "Ulpan Shishi" (Friday Studio)a secular Israeli News T.V. review. This video is in Hebrew but with English subtitles [http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3sEBAldf4L0] The following is an example of the surprising diverstity found among Messianic Jews. The subject is an Indian physician working among the tribe of Bnei Menasha of north east India, whom he was instrumental in "discovering", who have been recently declared eligible for immigration to the State of Israel as descendents of Menaseh, together with Ephraim, one of the 10 lost tribes of Israel [http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/973487.html]. His hope is that the "hundreds of thousands" of Messianic Jews, like himself, found among the Bnei Menasha will with the rest of the tribe, also be eligible for immigration to Israel.

===Why Messianic Judaism sees itself as distinct from Christianity===

Though Messianic Judaism shares with normative Christianity much of the beliefs about Jesus, it prefers to go its own way as a part of Judaism or completion of Biblical Judaism or an expression of Judaism for the following reasons:

1. It sees that belief in Jesus, is but a follow-through, and a reasonable expectation on the basis of the Jewish Scriptures (Tenakh) while it sees that Christianity often minimizes the Tenakh and the importance of [[Messianic Prophecies]] and indications in the Tenackh.

2. It sees that Christianity often is divorced or alienated from the appreciation and practice of the feasts and Holidays and customs of the Tenakh that Messianics are familiar with and in many cases have grown up with in an intimate way at home and in general Jewish society. An examples are the Passover, Hanukkah, Messianics see no reason for the discontinuance of these practices which they believe Jesus to have fully participated Himself in as being Jewish

3. Messianics are aware of much of the Church being influenced by "replacement theology". That is, God is "through with the Jews" with the Church inheriting by God the blessings he formerly bestowed on Israel - until the Jews should come to faith in Jesus. Most Messianics, though believing that Judaism's gone dreadfully wrong in its rejection of its Messiah has not annulled God's dealings with the Jews and with Israel as a nation and that He is following a timetable of His own that will bring Israel into the fold of faith in its Messiah - along with His other agenda for the people. Most Messianics do see the sufferings of the Jews through history as a punishment for the rejection of their Messiah, but also see it as a consequence of the "Evil in the World" for which perpetrators are responsible, and who will be brought to Judgement. In this way, it is not too dissimilar to religious Jews who believe that the sufferings of the Jews is due to the abandonment by the Jews generally of the Torah given them by God, but who allow other factors as explanation..

4. Messianic Jews see no reason to give up their peoplehood because, on one hand, other Jews do not agree with their choice of Jesus nor, on the other hand, the Church sees no reason for the Jews continuing unique and singular existence. They feel that Jesus was a Jew. Peter and Paul were Jews, the New Testament was written by Jews, God made the Jews, and "I am a Jew".

==Support for Messianic Judaism==

The [[Unification Church]] is arguably the biggest supporter of the main ideas of Messianic Judaism. It promotes a bridge of understanding between traditional Jewish concepts and the New Testament idea that Jesus (Yeshua) was the Jewish Messiah.

Unificationism maintains that Jesus "came to his own people, but they accepted him not" (Gospels) Indeed, it is official UC theology that God prepared the Jewish people for 2,000 years '''primarily''' to be ready to accept the Messiah when he came. It was the [[mission of John the Baptist]] to "make ready for the Lord a people prepared" (OT, Gospels). When John fell into belief - possibly because of jealousy towards Jesus - this posed a stumbling block to Jewish acceptance of Jesus as the Messiah.

The church portrays itself as a "Completed Testament" religion, coming on the foundation of [[New Testament]] Christianity and [[Old Testament]] Judaism. Its theology argues that Jews who accepted Jesus as the Messiah were correct to do so, and that when the Messiah comes again in the last day it behooves both Jews and Christians to accept him. Needless to say, this view is almost universally rejected by modern Jews and Christians.

===Israeli secular support===
Support for the civil rights of Messianic Jews in Israel has come from the quarters of civil rights activists and lawyers and some on the secular political spectrum. The reason for this has to do with the political apportionment of cabinet positions and ministries. Israel rarely has enough support in the electorate to ensure majority vote for any one party in the election of the government. Therefore political parties vie for the support of smaller parties to bring them into the government on their side. Shas, the Sephardic based religious party, often is one of these parties, and for their support, the larger parties usually offer it the Ministry of the Interior which deals with their interests. Part of their interest is the curtailing of missionary work in Israel which is accomplished by the Ministry of the Interior blocking the issuance to foreign missionaries of visas, and the preventing of Messianic Jews from abroad from taking out citizenship. Anti-missionary groups (foremost among them being "Yad L'Ahim"-Hand to the Brothers) unofficially are resource to the Ministry of Interior. Thus Messianic Jews find support among these civil rights lawyers and groups who find that in the defense of Messianic Jews, the power of the Ministry of the Interior is limited and civil rights for all citizens are more strongly established.

===Evangelical support===
Support for Messianic Jews has grown appreciably in the last 40 years on the part of the Evangelical Church. This is due in great part to the fact that the Evangelical Church is deeply Bible based and therefore well appreciative of the promises of God to bring the people back into the Land at or near the
End of Days. This has been abetted by a number of factors, which on the surface seem to be contradictory, but do find a resolution by leaders of the Evangelical Churches who are, by and large, politically conservative and who teach and lead their people. These factors are 1. admiration for the State of Israel in its victory over its enemies, particularly in the 1967 Six Day War. 2. Increase in Evangelical tourism that visits the sites of the Lord and, as well, the Israeli Messianic scene and congregations (see [[Israel Tourism]]) 3.. Evangelical deepening appreciation of the logistic and strategic support Israel provides the United States as the only democracy in the Mid East and the common ideological front the U.S. and Israel have. 4. Understanding that has been increasing among Evangelicals that both Israel and the United States are now shoulder to shoulder in the fight against Islamic terrorism. These political factors impact on Evangelical support for Messianics in that Messianics are seem by Evangelicals as being the forefront of a new entity bringing hope and an opening for the future. An entity combining Jewishness, Israel, and belief in Jesus as Messiah, Lord, and Savior. Much of these factors are highlighted by the once a year at Succoth Celebration in Jerusalem, when thousands of Christians from all over the world meet for a week, participate in the yearly march to Jerusalem that all Israel takes part in, and at which most often the Prime Minister of Israel delivers an address and expression of Israel's appreciation for support given to Israel by Christians throughout the world.

==See also==
*[[Philosophy]]
*[[Jewish philosophy]]
*[[Judaism]]
*[[New Testament understanding through the Jewish perspective]]
*[[Messianic Prophecies]] with relevant modern and ancient Jewish commentary
*[[Messiah]]

==External links==
*[http://www.JewsForJudaism.com JewsForJudaism.com]
*[http://www.OutreachJudaism.com OutreachJudaism.com]
*[http://www.MessiahTruth.com MessiahTruth.com]
*[http://www.Drazin.com Drazin.com]
*[http://whatjewsbelieve.org/ WhatJewsBelieve.org]
*[http://bejewish.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=12&Itemid=26 Lets Get Biblical tape series online at beJewish.org]
*[http://www.simpletoremember.com/audio/anti-missionary-mp3s.htm Lets Get Biblical tape series online at SimpleToRemeber.com]
*[http://www.jews-for-jesus.org/ Jews For Jesus Home page]

==References==
{{reflist|2}}
[[Category:Messianic Judaism]]

Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion

2010-02-23T03:59:58Z

CameronT: spelling: "forty"

The '''Thirty-Nine Articles of [[Religion]]''', drawn up in 1563, summarize the basic beliefs of the [[Church of England]]<ref>Kenneth Needham Ross, ''The Thirty-Nine Articles'', Morehouse-Goreham, 1957</ref>. They were based on Archbishop [[Thomas Cranmer]]'s forty-two Articles of Religion, written in 1553, and included such important tenets as reading of the [[Bible]] in English instead of Latin and marriage of priests. The articles are:

'''Article I: Of Faith in the [[Holy Trinity]]'''

There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body, parts, or passions; of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness; the Maker, and Preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there be three Persons, of one substance, power, and eternity; the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.

'''Article II: Of the Word or Son of [[God]], which was made very Man'''

The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, and of one substance with the Father, took Man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance: so that two whole and perfect Natures, that is to say, the Godhead and Manhood, were joined together in one Person, never to be divided, whereof is one Christ, very God, and very Man; who truly suffered, was crucified, dead, and buried, to reconcile His Father to us, and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins of men.

'''Article III: Of the going down of [[Christ]] into [[Hell]]'''

As Christ died for us, and was buried, so also is it to be believed, that he went down into Hell.

'''Article IV: Of the [[Resurrection]] of Christ'''

Christ did truly rise again from death, and took again his body, with flesh, bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of Man's nature; wherewith he ascended into Heaven, and there sitteth, until he return to judge all Men at the last day.

'''Article V: Of the [[Holy Ghost]]'''

The Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is of one substance, majesty, and glory, with the Father and the Son, very and eternal God.

'''Article VI: Of the Sufficiency of the holy [[Scriptures]] for salvation'''

Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation: so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation. In the name of the holy Scripture, we do understand those Canonical books of the Old and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church.

Of the Names and Number of the Canonical Books

[[Genesis]]

[[Exodus]]

[[Leviticus]]

[[Numbers]]

[[Deuteronomy]]

[[Joshua]]

[[Judges]]

[[Ruth]]

[[The First Book of Samuel]]

[[The Second Book of Samuel]]

[[The First Book of Kings]]

[[The Second Book of Kings]]

[[The First Book of Chronicles]]

[[The Second Book of Chronicles]]

[[The First Book of Esdras]]

[[The Second Book of Esdras]]

[[The Book of Esther]]

[[The Book of Job]]

[[The Psalms]]

[[The Proverbs]]

[[Ecclesiastes]] or Preacher

Cantica, or [[Songs of Solomon]]

Four Prophets the greater

Twelve Prophets the less

And the other Books (as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine; such are these following:

[[The Third Book of Esdras]]

[[The Fourth Book of Esdras]]

[[The Book of Tobias]]

[[The Book of Judith]]

The rest of [[The Book of Esther]]

[[The Book of Wisdom]]

[[Jesus the Son of Sirach]]

[[Baruch the Prophet]]

[[The Song of the Three Children]]

[[The Story of Susanna]]

[[Of Bel and the Dragon]]

[[The Prayer of Manasses]]

[[The First Book of Maccabees]]

[[The Second Book of Maccabees]]

All the Books of the [[New Testament]], as they are commonly received, we do receive, and account them Canonical.

'''Article VII: Of the [[Old Testament]]'''

The Old Testament is not contrary to the New: for both in the Old and New Testament everlasting life is offered to Mankind by Christ, who is the only Mediator between God and Man, being both God and Man. Wherefore there are not to be heard, which feign that the old Fathers did look only for transitory promises. Although the Law given from God by [[Moses]], as touching Ceremonies and Rites, do not bind Christian men, nor the Civil precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any commonwealth; yet, notwithstanding, no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called Moral.

'''Article VIII: Of the Three Creeds'''

The Three Creeds, [[Nicene Creed]], [[Athanasius's Creed]], and that which is commonly called the [[Apostles' Creed]], ought thoroughly to be received and believed: for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture.

'''Article IX: Of Original or Birth-Sin'''

[[Original Sin]] standeth not in the following of Adam, (as the Pelagians do vainly talk), but it is the fault and corruption of the Nature of every man, that naturally is ingendered of the offspring of Adam; whereby man is very far gone from original righteousness, and is of his own nature inclined to evil, so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the spirit; and therefore in every person born into this world, it deserveth God's wrath and damnation. And this infection of nature doth remain, yea, in them that are regenerated; whereby the lust of the flesh, called in Greek, phronema sarkos, which some do expound the wisdom, some sensuality, some the affection, some the desire, of the flesh, is not subject to the Law of God. And although there is no condemnation for them that believe and are baptized, yet the Apostle doth confess, that concupiscence and lust hath of itself the nature of sin.

'''Article X: Of [[Free-Will]]'''

The condition of Man after the fall of Adam is such, that he cannot turn and prepare himself, by his own natural strength and good works, to faith, and calling upon God: Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us, when we have that good will.

'''Article XI: Of the Justification of Man'''

We are accounted righteous before God, only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by Faith, and not for our own works or deservings: Wherefore, that we are justified by Faith only is a most wholesome Doctrine, and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification.

'''Article XII: Of Good Works'''

Albeit that Good Works, which are the fruits of Faith, and follow after Justification, can put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's Judgement; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively Faith; insomuch that by them a lively Faith may be as evidently known as a tree discerned by the fruit.

'''Article XIII: Of Works before Justification'''

Works done before the grace of Christ, and the Inspiration of his Spirit, are pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring of faith in Jesus Christ, they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the School-authors say) deserve grace of congruity: yea, rather, for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we doubt not but they have the nature of sin.

'''Article XIV: Of Works of Supererogation'''

Voluntary Works besides, over, and above, God's Commandments, which they call Works of Supererogation, cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety: for by them men do declare, that they do not only render unto God as much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for his sake, than of bounden duty is required: whereas Christ saith plainly, When ye have done all that are commanded to you, say, We are unprofitable servants.

'''Article XV: Of Christ alone without Sin'''

Christ in the truth of our nature was made like unto us in all things, sin only except, from which he was clearly void, both in his flesh, and in his spirit. He came to be the Lamb without spot, who, by sacrifice of himself once made, should take away the sins of the world, and sin, as Saint John saith, was not in him. But all we the rest, although baptized, and born again in Christ, yet offend in many things; and if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.

'''Article XVI: Of Sin after Baptism'''

Not every deadly sin willingly committed after Baptism is sin against the Holy Ghost, and unpardonable. Wherefore the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin after Baptism. After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from grace given, and fall into sin, and by the grace of God we may arise again, and amend our lives. And therefore they are to be condemned, which say, thay can no more sin as long as they live here, or deny the place of forgiveness to such as truly repent.

'''Article XVII: Of Predestination and Election'''

Predestination to Life is the everlasting purpose of God, whereby (before the foundations of the world were laid) he hath constantly decreed by his counsel secret to us, to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind, and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation, as vessels made to honour. Wherefore, they which be endued with so excellent a benefit of God be called according to God's purpose by his Spirit working in due season: they through Grace obey the calling: they be justified freely: they be made sons of God by adoption: they be made like the image of his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ: they walk religiously in good works, and at length, by God's mercy, they attain to everlasting felicity.

As the godly consideration of Predestination, and our Election in Christ, is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the works of the flesh, and their earthly members, and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things, as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternal Salvation to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God: So, for curious and carnal persons, lacking the Spirit of Christ, to have continually before their eyes the sentence of God's Predestination, is a most dangerous downfall, whereby the Devil doth thrust them either into desperation, or into wretchlessness of most unclean living, no less perilous than desperation.

Furthermore, we must receive God's promises in such wise, as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture: and, in our doings, that Will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the Word of God.

'''Article XVIII: Of obtaining eternal Salvation only by the Name of Christ'''

They also are to be had accursed that presume to say, That every man shall be saved by the Law or Sect which he professeth, so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that Law, and the light of Nature. For holy Scripture doth set out unto us only the Name of Jesus Christ, whereby men must be saved.

'''Article XIX: Of the Church'''

The visible Church of Christ is a congregation of faithful men, in the which the pure Word of God is preached, and the Sacraments be duly ministered according to Christ's ordinance in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same.

As the Church of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch have erred: so also the Church of Rome hath erred, not only in their living and manner of Ceremonies, but also in matters of Faith.

'''Article XX: Of the Authority of the Church'''

The Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and authority in Controversies of Faith: And yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain anything contrary to God's Word written, neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore, although the Church be a witness and a keeper of holy Writ, yet, as it ought not to decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed for necessity of Salvation.

'''Article XXI: Of the Authority of General Councils'''

General Councils may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of Princes. And when they be gathered together, (forasmuch as they be an assembly of men, whereof all be not governed with the Spirit and Word of God,) they may err, and sometimes have erred, even in things pertaining unto God. Wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to salvation have neither strength nor authority, unless it may be declared that they be taken out of holy Scripture.

'''Article XXII: Of Purgatory'''

The Romish Doctrine concerning Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping, and Adoration as well of Images as of Reliques, and also invocation of Saints, is a fond thing vainly invented, and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God.

'''Article XXIII: Of Ministering in the Congregation'''

It is not lawful for any man to take upon him the office of publick preaching, or ministering the Sacraments in the Congregation, before he be lawfully called, and sent to execute the same. And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent, which be chosen and called to this work by men who have publick authority given unto them in the Congregation, to call and send Ministers into the Lord's vineyard.

'''Article XXIV: Of speaking in the Congregation in such a tongue as the people understandeth'''

It is a thing plainly repugnant to the Word of God, and the custom of the Primitive Church, to have publick Prayer in the Church, or to minister the Sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people.

'''Article XXV: Of the Sacraments'''

Sacraments ordained of Christ be not only badges or tokens of Christian men's profession, but rather they be certain sure witnesses, and effectual signs of grace, and God's good will towards us, by the which he doth work invisibly in us, and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and confirm our Faith in him.

There are two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the Gospel, that is to say, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord.

Those five commonly called Sacraments, that is to say, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and extreme Unction, are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt following of the Apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures; but yet have not like nature of Sacraments with Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, for that they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of God.

The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed upon, or to be carried about, but that we should duly use them. And in such only as worthily receive the same have they a wholesome effect or operation: but they that receive them unworthily purchase to themselves damnation, as Saint Paul saith.

'''Article XXVI: Of the Unworthiness of the Ministers, which hinders not the effect of the Sacrament'''

Although in the visible Church the evil be ever mingled with the good, and sometimes the evil have chief authority in the Ministration of the Word and Sacraments, yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name, but in Christ's, and do minister by his commission and authority, we may use their Ministry, both in hearing the Word of God, and in the receiving of the Sacraments. Neither is the effect of Christ's ordinance taken away by their wickedness, nor the grace of God's gifts diminished from such as by faith and rightly do receive the Sacraments ministered unto them; which be effectual, because of Christ's institution and promise, although they be ministered by evil men.

Nevertheless it appertaineth to the discipline of the Church, that inquiry be made of evil Ministers, and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their offences; and finally being found guilty, by just judgement be deposed.

'''Article XXVII: Of Baptism'''

Baptism is not only a sign of profession, and mark of difference, whereby Christian men are discerned from others that be not christened, but is also a sign of Regeneration or new Birth, whereby, as by an instrument, they that receive Baptism rightly are grafted into the Church; the promises of the forgiveness of sin, and of our adoption to be the sons of God by the Holy Ghost, are visibly signed and sealed; Faith is confirmed, and Grace increased by virtue of prayer unto God. The Baptism of young Children is in any wise to be retained in the Church, as most agreeable with the institution of Christ.

'''Article XXVIII: Of the Lord's Supper'''

The Supper of the Lord is not only a sign of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves one to another; but rather it is a Sacrament of our Redemption by Christ's death: insomuch that to such as rightly, worthily, and with faith, receive the same, the Bread which we break is a partaking of the Body of Christ; and likewise the Cup of Blessing is a partaking of the Blood of Christ.

Transubstantiation (or the change of the substance of Bread and Wine) in the Supper of the Lord, cannot be proved by holy Writ; but is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, overthroweth the nature of a Sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions.

The Body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten, in the Supper, only after an heavenly and spiritual manner. And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith.

The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was not by Christ's ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, or worshipped.

'''Article XXIX: Of the Wicked which do not eat the Body of Christ in the use of the Lord's Supper'''

The Wicked, and such as be void of a lively faith, although they do carnally and visibly press with their teeth (as Saint Augustine saith) the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ: but rather, to their condemnation, do eat and drink the sign or Sacrament of so great a thing.

'''Article XXX: Of both kinds'''

The Cup of the Lord is not to be denied to the Lay-people; for both the parts of the Lord's Sacrament, by Christ's ordinance and commandment, ought to be ministered to all Christian men alike.

'''Article XXXI: Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Cross'''

The Offering of Christ once made is that perfect redemption, propitiation, and satisfaction, for all the sins of the whole world, both original and actual; and there is none other satisfaction for sin, but that alone. Wherefore the sacrifices of Masses, in the which it was commonly said, that the Priest did offer Christ for the quick and the dead, to have remission of pain or guilt, were blasphemous fables, and dangerous deceits.

'''Article XXXII: Of the Marriage of Priests'''

Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, are not commanded by God's Law, either to vow the estate of single life, or to abstain from marriage: therefore it is lawful for them, as for all other Christian men, to marry at their own discretion, as they shall judge the same to serve better to godliness.

'''Article XXXIII: Of Excommunicated Persons, how they are to be avoided'''

That person which by open denunciation of the Church is rightly cut off from the unity of the Church, and excommunicated, ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithful, as an Heathen and Publican, until he be openly reconciled by penance, and received into the Church by a Judge that hath authority thereunto.

'''Article XXXIV: Of the Traditions of the Church'''

It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one, and utterly like; for at all times they have been divers, and may be changed according to the diversities of countries, times, and men's manners, so that nothing be ordained against God's Word. Whosoever through his private judgement, willingly and purposely, doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of the Church, which be not repugnant to the Word of God, and be ordained and approved by common authority, ought to be rebuked openly, (that others may fear to do the like,) as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church, and hurteth the authority of the Magistrate, and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren.

Every particular or national Church hath authority to ordain, change, and abolish, ceremonies or rites of the Church ordained only by man's authority, so that all things be done to edifying.

'''Article XXXV: Of Homilies'''

The second Book of Homilies, the several titles whereof we have joined under this Article, doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine, and necessary for these times, as doth the former Book of Homilies, which were set forth in the time of Edward the Sixth; and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches by the Ministers, diligently and distinctly, that they may be understanded of the people.

Of the Names of the Homilies

Of the right Use of the Church.
Against peril of Idolatry.
Of the repairing and keeping clean of Churches.
Of good Works: first of Fasting.
Against Gluttony and Drunkenness.
Against Excess of Apparel.
Of Prayer.
Of the Place and Time of Prayer.
That Common Prayers and Sacraments ought to be ministered in a known tongue.
Of the reverent estimation of God's Word.
Of Alms-doing.
Of the Nativity of Christ.
Of the Passion of Christ.
Of the Resurrection of Christ.
Of the worthy receiving of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ.
Of the Gifts of the Holy Ghost.
For the Rogation-days.
Of the State of Matrimony.
Of Repentance.
Against Idleness.
Against Rebellion.
Article XXXVI: Of Consecration of Bishops and Ministers

The Book of Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops, and Ordering of Priests and Deacons, lately set forth in the time of Edward the Sixth, and confirmed at the same time by authority of Parliament, doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and Ordering: neither hath it any thing, that of itself is superstitious or ungodly. And therefore whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the Rites of that Book, since the second year of the forenamed King Edward unto this time, or hereafter shall be consecrated or ordered according to the same Rites; we decree all such to be rightly, orderly, and lawfully consecrated or ordered.

'''Article XXXVII: Of the Civil Magistrates'''

The Queen's Majesty hath the chief power in this Realm of England, and other her Dominions, unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil, in all causes doth appertain, and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any foreign Jurisdiction.

Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the chief government, by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended; we give not to our Princes the ministering either of God's Word, or of the Sacraments, the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen doth most plainly testify; but only that prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself; that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evildoers.

The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England.

The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men with death, for heinous and grievous offences.

It is lawful for Christian men, at the commandment of the Magistrate, to wear weapons, and serve in the wars.

'''Article XXXVIII: Of Christian men's Goods, which are not common'''

The Riches and Goods of Christians are not common, as touching the right, title, and possession of the same, as certain Anabaptists do falsely boast. Notwithstanding, every man ought, of such things as he possesseth, liberally to give alms to the poor, according to his ability.

'''Article XXXIX: Of a Christian man's Oath'''

As we confess that vain and rash Swearing is forbidden Christian men by our Lord Jesus Christ, and James his Apostle, so we judge, that Christian Religion doth not prohibit, but that a man may swear when the Magistrate requireth, in a cause of faith and charity, so it be done according to the Prophet's teaching, in justice, judgement, and truth.

==References==
{{Reflist}}

Henry A. Wallace

2010-02-23T03:57:35Z

CameronT: spelling: "grandfather", "agronomy", "existence"

{{President
|image=Henry wallace.jpg
|seq=33
|office=vice
|term_start=January 20, 1941
|term_end=January 20, 1945
|party=Democratic
|pres=Franklin D. Roosevelt
|previous=John N. Garner
|next=Harry S. Truman
|birth_date=October 7, 1888
|birth_place=Orient, Iowa
|death_date=November 18, 1965
|death_place=Danbury, Connecticut
|spouse=Ilo Browne
|spouse2=
|religion=
}}

'''Henry Agard Wallace''' '''(1888 - 1965)''' was a farm leader, agriculture secretary (1933-40) [[Democratic]] politician, and Vice President under [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] from 1941-1945. After a disastrous term as vice president, he was dropped from the ticket in 1944 despite strong support from the left. He became Secretary of Commerce, but opposed President [[Harry Truman]] on the [[Cold War]], arguing for friendship with the Soviet Union. He was fired, then by Truman ran for president in 1948, but the Communist party took control of his campaign and he won few votes. Disillusioned, Wallace returned to business, where his hybrid corn business was a huge success. He left a fortune of several billion dollars at his death. Wallace was a major [[New Deal]] spokesman and liberal leader 1933-48.
[[file:Wallace.jpg|thumb|220px]]
==Early life==

Wallace was born in 1888 on an Iowa farm. He graduated from Iowa State Agricultural College in 1910 with a B.S. degree in animal husbandry in 1910 and worked on the staff of the nation's leading farm magazine, ''Wallace's Farmer'', which had been founded by his grandfather. He was close to his grandfather, "Uncle Henry" Wallace, who taught the youth the superior virtue of agricultural civilization, the fundamental wisdom of Christian morality as a guide for daily living, the inherent good sense and dignity of common folk, and the need for cooperation and understanding among all peoples.

Working independently Wallace made some major contributions to statistics and agronomy, including an innovative use of multiple correlations correlations explaining levels for hogs. He experimented with various strains of corn and produced the first hybrid corn suitable for commercial use. In 1926, Wallace established the Hi-Bred Corn Company, which pioneered an important new industry and in time provided him with substantial financial returns.

His father Henry C. Wallace, a Republican, went to Washington in 1921 as Secretary of Agriculture and Henry became editor of ''Wallace's Farmer''. He remained editor until 1931 and was one of the major intellectual figures in agriculture in the 1920s.

==Department of Agriculture==

In 1933 he was made Secretary of Agriculture by Roosevelt. He was a registered Republican at the time. Leftist intellectual [[Rexford Guy Tugwell]] took the #2 role as Assistant Secretary of Agriculture.

When Congress formed the [[Agricultural Adjustment Administration]] (AAA) in the early days of Roosevelt’s [[New Deal]], it became the main vehicle for ending the depression in farming. In the Department in his first big battle he took sides with the "agrarians" such as Chester Davis against the far left, led by Jerome Frank, Gardner Jackson, [[Lee Pressman]] and Rex Tugwell. The radicals were purged, with Tugwell moved to a new division.

==War cabinet==

As Vice President, Wallace chaired the [[Board of Economic Warfare]] (BEW) as a member of FDR's secret "war cabinet".

At President Roosevelt's request, [[Owen Lattimore]] and [[John Carter Vincent]] of the [[Institute of Pacific Relations]] (IPR) accompanied Wallace on a mission to China in 1944, for the US Office of War Information.<ref>''Yalta Betrayal'', Wittmer, 1953, pg. 58. Retrieved from GELO.com [http://www.ogleo.com/search/ogleo-History_of_CzechoslovakiaHistory of Czechoslovakia] 05/08/07.</ref> During this visit, which overlapped the [[D-Day]] landings, Wallace and his delegation stopped over in Siberia and were given a tour of the [[Magadan]] concentration camp at [[Kolyma]]. In a travelogue for ''[[National Geographic]]'', Lattimore described this Siberian [[gulag]] as a combination of the Hudson's Bay Company and the [[TVA]], gushing about how strong and well-fed the inmates were and ascribing to camp commandant Feliks Nikishov “a trained and sensitive interest in art and music and also a deep sense of civic responsibility.”<ref>Paul Johnson, [http://books.google.com/books?id=aXm-lKKztywC&pg=PA1&dq=the+survival+of+the+adversary+culture&sig=NBsLl97lMC2A-i-gpuvRZdkewDA#PPA180,M1 ''The Survival of the Adversary Culture'' (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1988) ISBN 1560005548, p. 180]</ref> Nobel Laureate [[Alexander Solzhenitsyn]] wrote in the ''[[Gulag Archipelago]]'' that the entire city of Magadan was solely founded as a Soviet Gulag, and would never have come into existence for any other reason than as a Communist slave camp for the undesirables of Soviet society.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,944884,00.html?promoid=googlep Islands of Slavery],, ''[[Time magazine]]'', June 24, 1974.</ref> Commentator Cal Thomas wrote in 2007,

:"While many Westerners recall Nazi-run death camps like [[Auschwitz]] and [[Buchenwald]], few remember Soviet death camps named Kolyma and Magadan. True, Alexander Solzhenitsyn mentioned them in "The Gulag Archipelago" as did Varlam Sjalamov in "Tales from Kolyma," but as the late Swedish journalist Andres Kung wrote, "There are people who have still not heard of these communist [[democide|extermination]] camps -- even though the communists preceded the [[Nazi]]s in creating such camps and killed an even larger number of people in their camps."<ref>[http://www3.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20070612-085222-1017r.htm Monument to murder], By Cal Thomas, ''Washington Times'', June 13, 2007.</ref>

Upon his return from the Siberian journey Wallace was hailed by the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations]] (CIO), [[Office of War Information]], the [[National Council of American-Soviet Friendship]], the [[American Slav Congress]], and other [[Communist Front]] organizations as a world figure of the century of the common man.

In the second half of 1944, the [[Institute of Pacific Relations]] published a fifty-six-page pamphlet, ''Our Job in Asia'', which was allegedly written by Wallace. The author says, "The Russians have demonstrated their friendly attitude toward China by their willingness to refrain from intervening in China's internal affairs." <ref> US Senate, 82nd Congress, 2nd Session, Committee on the Judiciary, Institute of Pacific Relations, Report No. 2050, p. 223.</ref><ref>US Senate, 82nd Congress, 1st Session, Committee on the Judiciary, Institute of Pacific Relations, Part V, pp. 1302, 1206.</ref>

Wallace, as Vice President, spoke about encouraging a people's revolution in Europe to advance the cause of the common man.

Someone observed, he set himself up "as the conscience of the world." Roosevelt critic John T. Flynn characterized Wallace by saying, "Wallace was indeed as odd a bird as had ever perched upon a cabinet post...There was a good deal of the element of stage comedy in him - wide, queer streaks in his make-up that would excite laughter in the theater but which do not originate in any merry or comic sense in his own character and which cannot by any stretch of the imagination be regarded as funny against the dark background of the events of the time." <ref>''The Roosevelt Myth'', John T. Flynn, Fox and Wilkes, 1948, Book 2, Chapter 10, [http://www.rooseveltmyth.com/book/fdrmyth_Chapter_Ten___Henry_Wallace.htm ''Henry Wallace''].</ref>
==Mystical beliefs==

Wallace was interested in mysticism. His early life was in the Presbyterian Church, at college he became skeptical for a brief interval, but turned again to what he called "the necessity of believing in God, imminent as well as transcendental." He began attending the Roman Catholic Church, but later switched to the High Episcopal Church.

Several journalists have written about him say that he had probed into Buddhism, Confucianism and other mysteries and beliefs of the Orient, and that he studied [[astrology]] and knew how horoscopes were drawn.

Wallace told the Federal Council of Churches on December 7, 1933 that the times would have to get more difficult in order to soften the hearts of the people and move them "sufficiently so they will be willing to join together in the modern adaptation of the [[theocracy]] of old."

Some time in the twenties, Nicholas Constantin Roerich appeared as a highly self advertised great philosopher with a collection of admirers and disciples who addressed him as their "Guru." Roerich dispensed a philosophy of [[occult]] teachings that certain superior beings are commissioned to guide the affairs of humanity. He founded the Roerich Museum at Niagara, India and was the founder of the Roerich Pact and Banner of Peace, signed by 22 countries in 1935. This ceremony took place in the [[White House]]. Wallace arranged for the presentation and was named the American plenipotentiary to sign the pact. At the ceremony Wallace said: "I am deeply grateful to have been named by [[Franklin Roosevelt|President Roosevelt]] to sign for the United States this important document in which I have been interested for many years and which I regard as an inevitable step in international relations. The Roerich Pact which forms this treaty provides that all museums, cathedrals, universities and libraries be registered by the nations and marked by a banner - known as the Banner of Peace - which designates them as neutral territory respected by all signatory nations." And on this occasion Wallace described Roerich as "a great versatile genius" and "one of the greatest figures and true leaders of contemporary culture."

A wealthy broker named Louis L. Horch raised money, putting up much of it himself, to erect a building in New York City, called the Roerich Museum. [[Pulitzer Prize]] journalist Westbrook Pegler brought much of this material to light. Roerich was a prolific painter and the first floor of the museum was used for the exhibition of his canvases. The remaining stories of the building served as apartments and offices for the elect. Roerich's pictures were believed to possess a peculiar power over the minds of those who sat quietly before them and contemplated them. Many disciples visited the building and did so, in search of "world awareness."

Horch put $1,100,000 into the Roerich program. Horch was appointed to the Agriculture Department as the senior marketing specialist of the [[Surplus Commodity Corporation]] which was directed by [[Milo Perkins]].

Roerich decided that he wished to lead an expedition into Asia. Horch says that he expected to set up a new state in Siberia of which he would be the head. To make this possible, Wallace commissioned Roerich to go to China to collect wild grass seed. But stories in English language newspapers in China indicated Roerich applied to the 15th U.S. Infantry in Tientsin for rifles and ammunition.

Wallace apparently fired Roerich while he was in Asia. Subsequently Horch filed suit to recover his investment of $1,100,000 and got possession of the Museum building. In 1942 Horch was transferred from the Department of Agriculture to the [[Board of Economic Warfare]] of which Wallace was the head and Milo Perkins executive director. When Wallace became Secretary of Commerce he made Horch chief of the supply division in the New York office of the [[Foreign Economic Administration]].

===Dear Guru letters===

Just prior to the [[United States presidential election, 1940|1940 election]] Republican leaders received a batch of letters in handwriting on Department of Agriculture stationery written to Roerich. Having proved the authenticity of Wallace being the author through expert handwriting examination, they considered making them public. [[Harry Hopkins]], then managing the Roosevelt/Wallace campaign, went to [[Wendell Willkie]], the GOP candidate, and told him that if the Wallace correspondence became public, then so would embarrassing information about Willkie's adulterous private life.

In the letters, Wallace addressed Roerich as "My Dear Guru." Roosevelt was referred to as "The Flaming One," [[Winston Churchill]] as "The Roaring Lion," Secretary of State [[Cordell Hull]] as "The Sour One," and Russia as "The Tiger." One sentence gives a taste of Wallace's prose: "Yes, the search, whether it be for the lost world of Masonry or the Holy Chalice or the potentialities of the age to come is the one supremely worthwhile in objective. All else is Karmic duty. Here is life." <ref>[http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1282/is_n14_v46/ai_15674708/pg_1 The Wallace case] - 50th anniversary of Democratic Party's Jul 21, 1944 selection of Harry S. Truman to replace Henry Wallace as Franklin Roosevelt's running mate, by Arnold Beichman, National Review, August 1, 1994.</ref>

The letters contained such insights as "May the Light of Northern Shamballa lead you and the Guru and the true expedition toward the eternal glory of the New Age. May strength, power and righteousness surround you. I have no definite cause for worry but certain extraordinary warnings are manifest." In another letter, Wallace referred to some disciple of Roerich and said, "I have as you know an enormous respect for F whose whole being has been centered to serve the Masters. That also is the center of my being..." Worry about these letters and Wallace's erratic behavior led to the decision to replace him as Vice President with Harry Truman on the 1944 ticket.<ref>[http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/Wallace_to_Ayers_Communist_Progressive.pdf From Henry Wallace to William Ayers, Communists and the Progressive Movement], Herbert Romerstein, pp. 10-11.</ref>

==1948 Presidential bid==
He ran as the [[Progressive party]] nominee in the [[United States presidential election of 1948|presidential election of 1948]], but lost to [[Harry Truman]]. Far left elements and the Communist party took control of most of his campaign, to his dismay. Former New Deal economist and Soviet spy [[Harry Magdoff]] was an advisor and speechwriter during Wallace’s 1948 unsuccessful bid.

==Subversion in Government Investigation==

In 1944 the Institute of Pacific Relations, according to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, "disseminated and sought to popularize false information including information originating from Soviet and Communist sources," <ref>US Senate, 82nd Congress, 2nd Session, Committee on the Judiciary, Institute of Pacific Relations, Report No. 2050, p. 223.</ref> published a fifty-six-page pamphlet, ''Our Job in Asia'', which was allegedly written by Vice-President Wallace. "The Russians," the author of the pamphlet claimed, "have demonstrated their friendly attitude toward China by their willingness to refrain from intervening in China's internal affairs." Some years later -- after the collapse of the American allied [[Kuomintang]] government to the [[Comintern]] sponsored [[Maoist]] regime and in the midst of the [[Korean War]] which cost 53,000 American lives, on October 17, 1951, Wallace testified before the [[Senate Internal Security Subcommittee]]. Wallace admitted: "It begins to look, for the time being at any rate, that my size-up as made in 1944 was incorrect." <ref>US Senate, 82nd Congress, 1st Session, Committee on the Judiciary, Institute of Pacific Relations, Part V, pp. 1302, 1206.</ref> Wallace further admitted under oath that most of a book entitled ''Soviet Asia Mission'' written under his name detailing his official trip to Soviet Siberia and China in 1944 had actually been written by Andrew J. Steiger, a person identified under oath as a member of the [[Communist party]]. The Communist party at that time advocated the violent overthrow of the [[United States]] Constitution. To [[Joseph Fels Barnes]], [[Owen Lattimore]], and Harriet Lucy Moore, all of whom had been named under oath as Communist party members, Wallace expressed his gratitude for their "invaluable assistance in preparing the manuscript." <ref>[http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/6315/yaltabet.html ''The Yalta Betrayal''], Felix Wittmer, Caxton Printers, 1953, pg. 59.</ref>
==Further reading==
* Culver, John C. and John Hyde. ''American Dreamer: A Life of Henry A. Wallace'' (2001) [http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0393322289/qid=1073502902/sr=1-1/ref=sr_1_1/103-3227608-3924622?v=glance&s=books excerpt and text search], liberal biography
* Markowitz, Norman D. ''The Rise and Fall of the People's Century'' (1973), favorable
* Schapsmeier, Edward L. and Frederick H. Schapsmeier. ''Henry A. Wallace of Iowa'' (1968) and ''Prophet in Politics'' (1970), standard biography; written by two conservative scholars
* Schmidt, Karl M. ''Henry A. Wallace: Quixotic Crusade, 1948'' (1960)
* Walker, J. Samuel ''Henry A. Wallace and American Foreign Policy'' (1976), critical
* Walton, Richard J. ''Henry Wallace, Harry Truman and the Cold War'' (1976).
* Yarnell, Allen ''Democrats and Progressives'' (1974).
===Primary sources===
* Wallace, Henry. ''The Price of Vision'', ed. by John Morton Blum (1973). Diaries from 1940s.

== References ==
<references/>

{{USVicePresidents}}
{{DEFAULTSORT: Wallace, Henry A.}}
[[Category:Vice Presidents of the United States]]
[[Category:Democratic Party]]
[[Category:Liberals]]
[[Category:New Deal]]
[[Category:Agriculture]]
[[category:Farmers]]

Ecclesiastes (Translated)

2010-02-23T03:54:45Z

CameronT: /* Chapter 2 */ spelling in translated section: "drunkenness"

{{ConservativeBible}}

==Chapter 1==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|The words of the Preacher, the son of David, king in Jerusalem.
|What follows are the words of the Preacher, Son of David, and King of Jerusalem
|
|-
|2
|Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher, vanity of vanities; all is vanity.
|Vanity of vanities, said the Preacher, vanity of vanities; vanity is everywhere
|Depending on how you interpret the word Vanity this book can be seen as very Nihilistic, I took it to mean vainglory but I think that someone else should make that decision final
|-
|3
|What profit hath a man of all his labour which he taketh under the sun?
|What does man have to show for all of his earthly work?
|I assume earthly is what under the sun means
|-
|4
|One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh: but the earth abideth for ever.
|One generation follows another; the Earth outlasts them, unchanging and for ever.
| Capitalized earth, maybe I should not have, perhaps it meant dirt
|-
|5
|The sun also ariseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to his place where he arose.
|The sun also rises, and the sun sets, and hastens to where it arose from.
|
|-
|6
|The wind goeth toward the south, and turneth about unto the north; it whirleth about continually, and the wind returneth again according to his circuits.
|The wind blows to the South, then turns to the North; it whirls about continually, returning on its own time, in its own way.
|
|-
|7
|All the rivers run into the sea; yet the sea is not full; unto the place from whence the rivers come, thither they return again.
|All rivers flow into the oceans; yet the oceans are not full; back to the headwaters of the rivers, the water returns.
|
|-
|8
|All things are full of labour; man cannot utter it: the eye is not satisfied with seeing, nor the ear filled with hearing.
|All things work in harmony; but we cannot adequately express this: our eyes do not find fulfillment in merely seeing; our ears are not fulfilled by hearing.
|The first section of this line needs work, I don't understand what it means.
|-
|9
|The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun.
|The way things were in the past will be the way things are in the future; what has been done before will be done again; there is nothing new under the sun.
|I kept it "nothing new under the sun" rather than changing it to earthly, primarily because it is such an iconic quote.
|-
|10
|Is there any thing whereof it may be said, See, this is new? it hath been already of old time, which was before us.
|Is there anything of which we can say, "Look, this is new"? All things are old, all was done before us.
|
|-
|11
|There is no remembrance of former things; neither shall there be any remembrance of things that are to come with those that shall come after.
|We do not clearly remember the past; neither shall our future be remembered by those born after those times.
|
|-
|12
|I the Preacher was king over Israel in Jerusalem.
|I am the Preacher, I was the King of Israel in Jerusalem.
|
|-
|13
|And I gave my heart to seek and search out by wisdom concerning all things that are done under heaven: this sore travail hath God given to the sons of man to be exercised therewith.
|I was passionate about seeking out wisdom concerning all things that are done in the earthly realm: God has given this obligation to the sons of men to be done as His will.
|
|-
|14
|I have seen all the works that are done under the sun; and, behold, all is vanity and vexation of spirit.
|I have seen everything that is done here on earth; and see, it has amounted to nothing but vanity and vexation of the spirit.
|I took vexation to mean an attempt to confuse and satisfy the cravings of the spirit, but did not know how to write that with out the language becoming stilted and awkward
|-
|15
|That which is crooked cannot be made straight: and that which is wanting cannot be numbered.
|That which is crooked cannot be straightened; the things which are wanting cannot be counted.
|
|-
|16
|I communed with mine own heart, saying, Lo, I am come to great estate, and have gotten more wisdom than all they that have been before me in Jerusalem: yea, my heart had great experience of wisdom and knowledge.
|I searched within my own heart, and considered that I have amassed great wealth, and have gained wisdom beyond any who lived in Jerusalem before me: yes, my heart has experienced great wisdom and insight.
|
|-
|17
|And I gave my heart to know wisdom, and to know madness and folly: I perceived that this also is vexation of spirit.
|I spent the passions of my heart on seeking wisdom and understanding madness and folly: I realize now that this is also a vexation of the spirit.
|
|-
|18
|For in much wisdom is much grief: and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow.
|I have found grief in my wisdom; as one's knowledge grows so does one's sorrow.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 2==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|I said in mine heart, Go to now, I will prove thee with mirth, therefore enjoy pleasure: and, behold, this also is vanity.
|I said to myself, "Go and amuse yourself, enjoying the pleasure it brings: and see, this too is selfishness.
|
|-
|2
|I said of laughter, It is mad: and of mirth, What doeth it?
|I realized that such silliness is mad, and of amusement, what does it accomplish?
|
|-
|3
|I sought in mine heart to give myself unto wine, yet acquainting mine heart with wisdom; and to lay hold on folly, till I might see what was that good for the sons of men, which they should do under the heaven all the days of their life.
|I tried to give myself over to drunkenness, while seeking wisdom. I tried to avoid trouble until I could see what is good for men, to see what they should do with their time here on Earth.
|
|-
|4
|I made me great works; I builded me houses; I planted me vineyards:
|I did great things; I built homes; I planted vineyards.
|
|-
|5
|I made me gardens and orchards, and I planted trees in them of all kind of fruits:
|I had gardens and orchards planted, and they contained trees bearing many kinds of fruit.
|
|-
|6
|I made me pools of water, to water therewith the wood that bringeth forth trees:
|I had ponds constructed, to irrigate the orchards.
|
|-
|7
|I got me servants and maidens, and had servants born in my house; also I had great possessions of great and small cattle above all that were in Jerusalem before me:
|I acquired servants and maidens, and servants were born in my estate; I had vast holdings of cattle both large and small, which were greater than any held within Jerusalem before me.
|
|-
|8
|I gathered me also silver and gold, and the peculiar treasure of kings and of the provinces: I gat me men singers and women singers, and the delights of the sons of men, as musical instruments, and that of all sorts.
|I amassed silver and gold, and other kingly treasures. I hired men and women to sing for me, and sought out all of the things that men have made for pleasure, such as all sorts of musical instruments.
|
|-
|9
|So I was great, and increased more than all that were before me in Jerusalem: also my wisdom remained with me.
|I was great, and amassed more treasure than all those who came before me in Jerusalem; through this I remained wise.
|
|-
|10
|And whatsoever mine eyes desired I kept not from them, I withheld not my heart from any joy; for my heart rejoiced in all my labour: and this was my portion of all my labour.
|Whatever I desired I acquired, I did not deny my heart any joy; for my heart rejoiced in all that I did: and this was what I achieved in my life at that point.
|I don't know how to do the last part of this verse
|-
|11
|Then I looked on all the works that my hands had wrought, and on the labour that I had laboured to do: and, behold, all was vanity and vexation of spirit, and there was no profit under the sun.
|Then I looked upon the accomplishments of my life, and on the efforts I applied to bring them about: and see, all of it was selfishness troubling to my soul, and there was no true worth to it at all.
|
|-
|12
|And I turned myself to behold wisdom, and madness, and folly: for what can the man do that cometh after the king? even that which hath been already done.
|I looked within myself, finding wisdom, madness, and folly: for what can a mere man do that follows the accomplishments of the king? At most only what has already been done
|I think the second part is about humility - the best of a man's efforts pales against what God has already done, and at our best we are only emulating Him.
|-
|13
|Then I saw that wisdom excelleth folly, as far as light excelleth darkness.
|Then I realized that wisdom conquers folly, in the way that light conquers darkness.
|
|-
|14
|The wise man's eyes are in his head; but the fool walketh in darkness: and I myself perceived also that one event happeneth to them all.
|The wise man looks about and keeps an open mind; but the fool wanders in darkness; and I also realized that the world presents the same realities to them both
|I took this to mean that reality is what it is for all, so you can face it with an open mind or wander aimlessly through life in foolishness.
|-
|15
|Then said I in my heart, As it happeneth to the fool, so it happeneth even to me; and why was I then more wise? Then I said in my heart, that this also is vanity.
|I realized that it happens to the fool just as it happens to me; so what makes me the wiser? Then I realized that this also is vanity.
|
|-
|16
|For there is no remembrance of the wise more than of the fool for ever; seeing that which now is in the days to come shall all be forgotten. And how dieth the wise man? as the fool.
|The fool and the wise man will both be forgotten eventually; realizing that all that is in our future will eventually be forgotten. And how does the wise man die? Just as the fool does.
|The wise and the foolish are both mortal.
|-
|17
|Therefore I hated life; because the work that is wrought under the sun is grievous unto me: for all is vanity and vexation of spirit.
|Therefore I came to hate life; because all that we do in our lives seemed futile to me: for it all seemed to be vain and troubling to my soul.
|
|-
|18
|Yea, I hated all my labour which I had taken under the sun: because I should leave it unto the man that shall be after me.
|Yes, I hated all the works of my life: because I can only pass them on to the man that shall survive me.
|
|-
|19
|And who knoweth whether he shall be a wise man or a fool? yet shall he have rule over all my labour wherein I have laboured, and wherein I have shewed myself wise under the sun. This is also vanity.
|And who knows if he shall be a wise man or a fool? Regardless, he will take over all of the estate that I have built, which came from wise choices I made in my life. This is also vanity.
|
|-
|20
|Therefore I went about to cause my heart to despair of all the labour which I took under the sun.
|This led me to despair, as I thought of all the work it took for me to get to this point in life.
|
|-
|21
|For there is a man whose labour is in wisdom, and in knowledge, and in equity; yet to a man that hath not laboured therein shall he leave it for his portion. This also is vanity and a great evil.
|For a man can build much through wisdom, knowledge and fairness; yet his inheritance can pass to a man who does not live by these values. This too is vanity and a great evil.
|
|-
|22
|For what hath man of all his labour, and of the vexation of his heart, wherein he hath laboured under the sun?
|What does man have to show for all his life's work, and all the troubles that came with it, in the end?
|
|-
|23
|For all his days are sorrows, and his travail grief; yea, his heart taketh not rest in the night. This is also vanity.
|For all his days are sorrows, and his ordeals bring grief; yes, his heart finds no peace at night. This too is vanity.
|
|-
|24
|There is nothing better for a man, than that he should eat and drink, and that he should make his soul enjoy good in his labour. This also I saw, that it was from the hand of God.
|There is nothing better for a man, than that he should eat and drink, and that he should find spiritual satisfaction in his works. I also saw that this was God's will.
|
|-
|25
|For who can eat, or who else can hasten hereunto, more than I?
|Who can eat, or provide more for himself than I can?
|
|-
|26
|For God giveth to a man that is good in his sight wisdom, and knowledge, and joy: but to the sinner he giveth travail, to gather and to heap up, that he may give to him that is good before God. This also is vanity and vexation of spirit.
|God gives wisdom, knowledge and joy to a man He finds good in His judgment; but to the sinner He gives ordeals, to gather and accumulate, before He gives good things to him. This too is vanity and troubling to the soul.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 3==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven:
|Every thing has its season, and a proper time for every purpose:
|
|-
|2
|A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;
|A time to be born, and a time to die: a time to plant, and a time to harvest;
|
|-
|3
|A time to kill, and a time to heal; a time to break down, and a time to build up;
|A time to Kill, and a time to heal; a time to destroy, and a time to rebuild;
|
|-
|4
|A time to weep, and a time to laugh; a time to mourn, and a time to dance;
|A time to weep, and a time to laugh; a time to mourn, and a time to dance;
|
|-
|5
|A time to cast away stones, and a time to gather stones together; a time to embrace, and a time to refrain from embracing;
|A time to throw stones away, and a time to gather stones together; a time to embrace, and a time to refrain from embracing;
|
|-
|6
|A time to get, and a time to lose; a time to keep, and a time to cast away;
|A time to get, and a time to lose; a time to keep, and a time to cast away;
|
|-
|7
|A time to rend, and a time to sew; a time to keep silence, and a time to speak;
|A time to tear, and a time to sew; a time to be silent, and a time to speak;
|
|-
|8
|A time to love, and a time to hate; a time of war, and a time of peace.
|A time to love, and a time to hate; a time of war, and a time of peace.
|
|-
|9
|What profit hath he that worketh in that wherein he laboureth?
|What profit does man make from his labor?
|
|-
|10
|I have seen the travail, which God hath given to the sons of men to be exercised in it.
|I have seen the ordeals that God has given to the sons of men to make them stronger.
|
|-
|11
|He hath made every thing beautiful in his time: also he hath set the world in their heart, so that no man can find out the work that God maketh from the beginning to the end.
|He has made everything beautiful in His time: He has also placed an appreciation for the world in their hearts, so that men would not simply regard God's works dispassionately.
|Not sure about his one, but it seems to capture the meaning
|-
|12
|I know that there is no good in them, but for a man to rejoice, and to do good in his life.
|I know that there is no good in this, but for a man to rejoice, and to do good in his life.
|
|-
|13
|And also that every man should eat and drink, and enjoy the good of all his labour, it is the gift of God.
|And also that every man should eat and drink, and enjoy the good of all his works, for it is the gift of God.
|
|-
|14
|I know that, whatsoever God doeth, it shall be for ever: nothing can be put to it, nor any thing taken from it: and God doeth it, that men should fear before him.
|I know that whatever God does, it shall be done forever: Nothing can be added to it, nor anything taken away from it: and God does this so that men should fear him.
|I do not know if I quite got hold of this one
|-
|15
|That which hath been is now; and that which is to be hath already been; and God requireth that which is past.
|The way things were is the way things are now. The future will be like the past too; God requires this consistency.
|
|-
|16
|And moreover I saw under the sun the place of judgment, that wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, that iniquity was there.
|And I also saw an earthly place of judgment, that wickedness was there; and at the place of righteousness, that injustice was there.
|No stock can be put in earthly things, even those which appear to be most just can and do harbor wickedness
|-
|17
|I said in mine heart, God shall judge the righteous and the wicked: for there is a time there for every purpose and for every work.
|I said to myself that God will judge the righteous and the wicked: for there is a time there for every purpose and every work.
|
|-
|18
|I said in mine heart concerning the estate of the sons of men, that God might manifest them, and that they might see that they themselves are beasts.
|I realized that where the material trappings of men were concerned, that God might expose them for what they are, so man would realize that when they are taken away they are as the other animals of His creation.
|I revised this, because it seems like the original point is that God occasionally needs to humble us, so we see our proper place as one of His living creations.
|-
|19
|For that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts; even one thing befalleth them: as the one dieth, so dieth the other; yea, they have all one breath; so that a man hath no preeminence above a beast: for all is vanity.
|For that which happens to man happens to all His living creations; the same fate falls to them: as one dies, so does the other; yes, they all carry the breath of life; in that a man is no different that any of the animals created by God. For all is vanity.
|
|-
|20
|All go unto one place; all are of the dust, and all turn to dust again.
|All of them go to the same place; all of them are made from dust, and all of them will become dust again.
|
|-
|21
|Who knoweth the spirit of man that goeth upward, and the spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth?
|Who understands that the spirit of man returns to God while the spirit of God's animals goes down to the earth?
|
|-
|22
|Wherefore I perceive that there is nothing better, than that a man should rejoice in his own works; for that is his portion: for who shall bring him to see what shall be after him?
|At this I realized that there is nothing better than for a man to rejoice in his own works, for that is his time to make a difference: for who could bring him to the future to see what would follow his life?
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 4==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|So I returned, and considered all the oppressions that are done under the sun: and behold the tears of such as were oppressed, and they had no comforter; and on the side of their oppressors there was power; but they had no comforter.
|So I returned and considered all of the oppression that takes place on earth. Those who were oppressed shed tears but were not comforted. Their oppressors had power, and they had no comforters.
|
|-
|2
|Wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead more than the living which are yet alive.
|At this I praised the dead for being dead, more than the living for being alive.
|
|-
|3
|Yea, better is he than both they, which hath not yet been, who hath not seen the evil work that is done under the sun.
|You are better off having not been born and seeing no evil than either the living or the dead.
|
|-
|4
|Again, I considered all travail, and every right work, that for this a man is envied of his neighbour. This is also vanity and vexation of spirit.
|I considered the trying ordeals again, and every correct action, and how men envy their neighbors for them. This too is vanity and vexation of the spirit.
|
|-
|5
|The fool foldeth his hands together, and eateth his own flesh.
|The fool does no work and lives be eating what he already has.
|
|-
|6
|Better is an handful with quietness, than both the hands full with travail and vexation of spirit.
|Better is a little with quietness than a lot with trying ordeals and vexation.
|
|-
|7
|Then I returned, and I saw vanity under the sun.
|When I returned I saw vanity.
|
|-
|8
|There is one alone, and there is not a second; yea, he hath neither child nor brother: yet is there no end of all his labour; neither is his eye satisfied with riches; neither saith he, For whom do I labour, and bereave my soul of good? This is also vanity, yea, it is a sore travail.
|There is one alone, with no second. He has neither child nor brother. There is no end to his labor. His eyes are not satisfied with riches, and he does not ask for whom he is laboring, for whom is he denying himself pleasure? This is also vanity, it is a sore and trying ordeal.
|
|-
|9
|Two are better than one; because they have a good reward for their labour.
|Two are better than one, they have a better reward for their labor.
|
|-
|10
|For if they fall, the one will lift up his fellow: but woe to him that is alone when he falleth; for he hath not another to help him up.
|If one falls his partner can lift him up. If one sets out alone it is great trouble to fall, and have no one there to pick you up.
|
|-
|11
|Again, if two lie together, then they have heat: but how can one be warm alone?
|If two lie together then they will be warm in their bed, but how can you be warm alone?
|
|-
|12
|And if one prevail against him, two shall withstand him; and a threefold cord is not quickly broken.
|If a man can defeat him two will be able to stand against this man. A rope of many chords is not quickly broken.
|
|-
|13
|Better is a poor and a wise child than an old and foolish king, who will no more be admonished.
|A poor and wise child is better than and old and foolish king who will no longer be admonished.
|
|-
|14
|For out of prison he cometh to reign; whereas also he that is born in his kingdom becometh poor.
|Out of prison he comes to reign, and those who are born in his kingdom will become poor.
|
|-
|15
|I considered all the living which walk under the sun, with the second child that shall stand up in his stead.
|I think of all those living on earth, which the second child who shall stand up to take the kings place.
|we were drifting a bit far so I reanchored.
|-
|16
|There is no end of all the people, even of all that have been before them: they also that come after shall not rejoice in him. Surely this also is vanity and vexation of spirit.
|The people stretch on endlessly, Both after and before him. Those who come after will not rejoice in him. Surely this too is vanity and vexation of the spirit.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 5==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|Keep thy foot when thou goest to the house of God, and be more ready to hear, than to give the sacrifice of fools: for they consider not that they do evil.
|Keep on your feet when you enter the house of God, and keep an open mind but do not give sacrifice to fools. They do not pay attention to the fact that they are doing evil deeds.
|
|-
|2
|Be not rash with thy mouth, and let not thine heart be hasty to utter any thing before God: for God is in heaven, and thou upon earth: therefore let thy words be few.
|Do not speak rashly, and do not hastily speak to God. God is in heaven and you are here on earth, so let your words be few.
|I don't know what to make of this.
|-
|3
|For a dream cometh through the multitude of business; and a fool's voice is known by multitude of words.
|Just like a dream comes with many things going on, a fool may be known by their high word to substance ratio.
|Is this what you want?
|-
|4
|When thou vowest a vow unto God, defer not to pay it; for he hath no pleasure in fools: pay that which thou hast vowed.
|When you promise to give something to God then give it to him. God does not take pleasure in fools. Pay what you said that you would.
|
|-
|5
|Better is it that thou shouldest not vow, than that thou shouldest vow and not pay.
|It is better not to promise anything than to promise and not deliver.
|
|-
|6
|Suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin; neither say thou before the angel, that it was an error: wherefore should God be angry at thy voice, and destroy the work of thine hands?
|Do not talk yourself into a position where you will sin. Do not tell the angels that your vow was an error. If you do God will anger at the sound of your voice and may destroy the work that you have done.
|
|-
|7
|For in the multitude of dreams and many words there are also divers vanities: but fear thou God.
|In many dreams and many words there are many kinds of vanities, Fear God.
|
|-
|8
|If thou seest the oppression of the poor, and violent perverting of judgment and justice in a province, marvel not at the matter: for he that is higher than the highest regardeth; and there be higher than they.
|If you see oppression of the poor and a violent miscarriage of justice don't marvel at it. For God is higher than the highest power on earth, and he is there.
|
|-
|9
|Moreover the profit of the earth is for all: the king himself is served by the field.
|The profits from the earth are good for everyone. The King himself benefits from the resources from the field.
|This line could be used to convey a truth about the economy, namely that manufacturing and resource production is the key to economic progress, not the spinning wheels of a service economy.
|-
|10
|He that loveth silver shall not be satisfied with silver; nor he that loveth abundance with increase: this is also vanity.
|The man that loves silver will not be satisfied with silver. He will not love it when his silver is in abundance and increases. This too is vanity.
|
|-
|11
|When goods increase, they are increased that eat them: and what good is there to the owners thereof, saving the beholding of them with their eyes?
|When a resource is in abundance those that utilize it multiply. What good does it do the owners of the resource, except that they get to see them.
|There may be something here about politicians multiplying and consuming our hard work.
|-
|12
|The sleep of a labouring man is sweet, whether he eat little or much: but the abundance of the rich will not suffer him to sleep.
|A laboring man enjoys his sleep, even if he has had little to eat. The abundance of a rich man will keep him from sleeping.
|
|-
|13
|There is a sore evil which I have seen under the sun, namely, riches kept for the owners thereof to their hurt.
|I have noticed another earthly evil. Namely, when the rich hold onto their wealth to their own detriment.
|
|-
|14
|But those riches perish by evil travail: and he begetteth a son, and there is nothing in his hand.
|That wealth will be lost to evil and trying ordeals. If such a man has a son he will have nothing to give him.
|
|-
|15
|As he came forth of his mother's womb, naked shall he return to go as he came, and shall take nothing of his labour, which he may carry away in his hand.
|Just like you are naked when you come from the womb you will go away naked. You can't take your wealth with you when you die.
|
|-
|16
|And this also is a sore evil, that in all points as he came, so shall he go: and what profit hath he that hath laboured for the wind?
|It is an evil that man will leave this world exactly as he came to it. What profit does he have? He might as well have been laboring for the wind.
|
|-
|17
|All his days also he eateth in darkness, and he hath much sorrow and wrath with his sickness.
|All of his life he will eat in the dark, with sorrow and anger over his decisions.
|
|-
|18
|Behold that which I have seen: it is good and comely for one to eat and to drink, and to enjoy the good of all his labour that he taketh under the sun all the days of his life, which God giveth him: for it is his portion.
|I have seen that it is good to eat and drink and enjoy your labor here on earth, for all of the days that God gave you. That is your portion here on earth.
|
|-
|19
|Every man also to whom God hath given riches and wealth, and hath given him power to eat thereof, and to take his portion, and to rejoice in his labour; this is the gift of God.
|To every man that God has given wealth and power he has given the means to enjoy them, and take his portion, and to rejoice in his labor. This is the gift of God.
|
|-
|20
|For he shall not much remember the days of his life; because God answereth him in the joy of his heart.
|He will not remember the days of his life well, God will have answered him in the joy he feels in his heart.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 6==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, and it is common among men:
|There is an earthy evil that I have seen to be common among men.
|
|-
|2
|A man to whom God hath given riches, wealth, and honour, so that he wanteth nothing for his soul of all that he desireth, yet God giveth him not power to eat thereof, but a stranger eateth it: this is vanity, and it is an evil disease.
|When God gives a man a surplus of wealth, Treasure, and honor, so much that he wants for nothing, and God denies him the ability to enjoy it; strangers enjoy it in his stead. This is vanity, and is a great evil.
|
|-
|3
|If a man beget an hundred children, and live many years, so that the days of his years be many, and his soul be not filled with good, and also that he have no burial; I say, that an untimely birth is better than he.
|If a man has a hundred children, and lives many years, his years may be laboriously long, his heart may lack gratitude, and he may not be buried. An still birth is better than such a man.
|
|-
|4
|For he cometh in with vanity, and departeth in darkness, and his name shall be covered with darkness.
|It comes in vanity and leaves in darkness, and its name shall be covered in darkness.
|
|-
|5
|Moreover he hath not seen the sun, nor known any thing: this hath more rest than the other.
|It has not seen the sun, and does not know of such a thing. It has more rest than the man.
|
|-
|6
|Yea, though he live a thousand years twice told, yet hath he seen no good: do not all go to one place?
|A man may live two thousand years, but what use is it if he never knows happiness. Don't we all go into the ground after we die?
|This reflects a missing concept, namely heaven and hell. Hell denial?
|-
|7
|All the labour of man is for his mouth, and yet the appetite is not filled.
|All of mans work is to feed himself, but he still grows hungry.
|
|-
|8
|For what hath the wise more than the fool? what hath the poor, that knoweth to walk before the living?
|What has a wise man got that a fool lacks? What does a poor man have if he knows to walk before the living?
|
|-
|9
|Better is the sight of the eyes than the wandering of the desire: this is also vanity and vexation of spirit.
|What I see in the world is better than what my heart desires. This too is Vanity and Vexation of the spirit.
|
|-
|10
|That which hath been is named already, and it is known that it is man: neither may he contend with him that is mightier than he.
|Whatever exists already has a name, and man is one such thing. Man cannot contend with forces mightier than he is.
|
|-
|11
|Seeing there be many things that increase vanity, what is man the better?
|There is so much that increases vanity. Does any of it make man better?
|
|-
|12
|For who knoweth what is good for man in this life, all the days of his vain life which he spendeth as a shadow? for who can tell a man what shall be after him under the sun?
|Who really knows what is best for man, during the vain life that he spends like a shadow? Who can tell a man what will follow him here on earth?
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 7==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|A good name is better than precious ointment; and the day of death than the day of one's birth.
|A good name is better than precious medicine; and the day of your death better than the day of your birth.
|
|-
|2
|It is better to go to the house of mourning, than to go to the house of feasting: for that is the end of all men; and the living will lay it to his heart.
|It is better to go to a funeral than a feast. That is how all men end, and the living will take this to heart.
|
|-
|3
|Sorrow is better than laughter: for by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better.
|Sorrow is better than laughter: for by the sadness of one's appearance the heart is made better.
|I take this to mean that expressing sorrow and sympathy for others in pain helps them to heal
|-
|4
|The heart of the wise is in the house of mourning; but the heart of fools is in the house of mirth.
|The heart of the wise man is as if he was at a funeral; but the heart of fools is partying.
|
|-
|5
|It is better to hear the rebuke of the wise, than for a man to hear the song of fools.
|It is better to hear criticism from the wise, than for a man to hear the song of fools.
|
|-
|6
|For as the crackling of thorns under a pot, so is the laughter of the fool: this also is vanity.
|The laughter of the fool is like the crackling of thorns beneath a pot. This too is vanity.
|
|-
|7
|Surely oppression maketh a wise man mad; and a gift destroyeth the heart.
|Surely oppression makes a wise man mad; a gift can destroy the heart.
|
|-
|8
|Better is the end of a thing than the beginning thereof: and the patient in spirit is better than the proud in spirit.
|It is better to be at the end of something than at the beginning: and the patient man is better than the proud man.
|
|-
|9
|Be not hasty in thy spirit to be angry: for anger resteth in the bosom of fools.
|Do not be quick to anger, because anger rests in the heart of fools.
|
|-
|10
|Say not thou, What is the cause that the former days were better than these? for thou dost not inquire wisely concerning this.
|Do not ask why things were better in the past. Because it is unwise to do so.
|
|-
|11
|Wisdom is good with an inheritance: and by it there is profit to them that see the sun.
|With an inheritance wisdom can be helpful, and it will bring profit to those who live on earth.
|
|-
|12
|For wisdom is a defence, and money is a defence: but the excellency of knowledge is, that wisdom giveth life to them that have it.
|Wisdom is a defense, and money is a defense, the insight that comes with wisdom gives much to those who have it.
|
|-
|13
|Consider the work of God: for who can make that straight, which he hath made crooked?
|Consider the work of God. Who can straighten something that he has made crooked?
|
|-
|14
|In the day of prosperity be joyful, but in the day of adversity consider: God also hath set the one over against the other, to the end that man should find nothing after him.
|When you have prosperity be joyful, but when you find adversity remember that God put it there so that man would not find anything after himself.
|
|-
|15
|All things have I seen in the days of my vanity: there is a just man that perisheth in his righteousness, and there is a wicked man that prolongeth his life in his wickedness.
|I saw everything in the days of my vanity. Just men died in righteousness and wicked men lived in wickedness.
|
|-
|16
|Be not righteous over much; neither make thyself over wise: why shouldest thou destroy thyself?
|Don't be righteous over much, and do not make yourself too wise, it will destroy you.
|
|-
|17
|Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?
|Do not be wicked, or foolish, why should you die before your time?
|
|-
|18
|It is good that thou shouldest take hold of this; yea, also from this withdraw not thine hand: for he that feareth God shall come forth of them all.
|It would be a good idea to listen to me. Don't pull back, following my advice will make you someone who fears God.
|
|-
|19
|Wisdom strengtheneth the wise more than ten mighty men which are in the city.
|Wisdom makes the wise man worth more than ten strong men from the city.
|
|-
|20
|For there is not a just man upon earth, that doeth good, and sinneth not.
|Every man on earth sins, and no man does only good.
|
|-
|21
|Also take no heed unto all words that are spoken; lest thou hear thy servant curse thee:
|Do not listen to everything that is said, or you will hear your servants cursing you.
|
|-
|22
|For oftentimes also thine own heart knoweth that thou thyself likewise hast cursed others.
|You will know in your heart that you have cursed others.
|
|-
|23
|All this have I proved by wisdom: I said, I will be wise; but it was far from me.
|I have proven all I have said with wisdom, I decided to be wise when it was beyond my power to become wise.
|
|-
|24
|That which is far off, and exceeding deep, who can find it out?
|Who can find out what is far away and buried deep?
|
|-
|25
|I applied mine heart to know, and to search, and to seek out wisdom, and the reason of things, and to know the wickedness of folly, even of foolishness and madness:
|I resolved to know, to search, to seek out wisdom, understand the reason for things, to know the wickedness of folly and foolishness and madness.
|
|-
|26
|And I find more bitter than death the woman, whose heart is snares and nets, and her hands as bands: whoso pleaseth God shall escape from her; but the sinner shall be taken by her.
|I found that death is a bitter woman with a heart of snares and nets and hands like bands. Those who please God can escape her but she shall have the sinner.
|
|-
|27
|Behold, this have I found, saith the preacher, counting one by one, to find out the account:
|Counting one by one , to find the account, I found this out, said the preacher
|
|-
|28
|Which yet my soul seeketh, but I find not: one man among a thousand have I found; but a woman among all those have I not found.
|Looking for what my heart seeks I found one man in a thousand, but a woman among them all I have not.
|
|-
|29
|Lo, this only have I found, that God hath made man upright; but they have sought out many inventions.
|I have found that God mad man upright, but that man has sought out many inventions.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 8==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|Who is as the wise man? and who knoweth the interpretation of a thing? a man's wisdom maketh his face to shine, and the boldness of his face shall be changed.
|Who is like the wise man? And who knows how to interpret a thing? Wisdom makes a mans face shine like the sun, and changes the boldness of it.
|Added like the sun because it means shining as in glowing or beaming, not shining like and oily forehead.
|-
|2
|I counsel thee to keep the king's commandment, and that in regard of the oath of God.
|I suggest that you keep the king's commandment, and do it in regard to the oath of God.
|
|-
|3
|Be not hasty to go out of his sight: stand not in an evil thing; for he doeth whatsoever pleaseth him.
|Do not rush to get out of his sight. Do not do any evil. He does whatever he pleases.
|-
|4
|Where the word of a king is, there is power: and who may say unto him, What doest thou?
|When a king speaks there is power behind his words. Who may say to him, What have you done?
|
|-
|5
|Whoso keepeth the commandment shall feel no evil thing: and a wise man's heart discerneth both time and judgment.
|Those who keep his commandments will feel no evil. A wise mans heart discerns both time and judgement.
|
|-
|6
|Because to every purpose there is time and judgment, therefore the misery of man is great upon him.
|To every purpose there is time and judgement, therefor a man's misery is great upon him.
|
|-
|7
|For he knoweth not that which shall be: for who can tell him when it shall be?
|He does not know what will come: Who can tell him when it will be?
|
|-
|8
|There is no man that hath power over the spirit to retain the spirit; neither hath he power in the day of death: and there is no discharge in that war; neither shall wickedness deliver those that are given to it.
|There is no man with enough power over the spirit to retain it; He does not have power over the day of his death: There is no discharge in that war; and wickedness will not deliver those that are given to it either.
|
|-
|9
|All this have I seen, and applied my heart unto every work that is done under the sun: there is a time wherein one man ruleth over another to his own hurt.
|I have seen all this, and applied my heart to every work that is done here on earth: there is a time when one mans rule over another hurts him.
|
|-
|10
|And so I saw the wicked buried, who had come and gone from the place of the holy, and they were forgotten in the city where they had so done: this is also vanity.
|I saw the wicked who came and went from holy places buried, and forgotten in the city where they did this: This too is vanity.
|
|-
|11
|Because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily, therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil.
|The hearts of the sons of men are fully set to do evil, because justice is not delivered for evil works rapidly enough.
|These two parts of the KJV make no sense together, tremendous grammatical ambiguity.
|-
|12
|Though a sinner do evil an hundred times, and his days be prolonged, yet surely I know that it shall be well with them that fear God, which fear before him:
|A sinner may commit evil acts hundreds of times, and he may live a long time, but I absolutely know that those who show fear before God will be well.
|
|-
|13
|But it shall not be well with the wicked, neither shall he prolong his days, which are as a shadow; because he feareth not before God.
|The wicked will not be well, however, nor will he prolong his days, which are like a shadow; because he does not fear God.
|
|-
|14
|There is a vanity which is done upon the earth; that there be just men, unto whom it happeneth according to the work of the wicked; again, there be wicked men, to whom it happeneth according to the work of the righteous: I said that this also is vanity.
|There is a vanity done here on earth; Something that the wicked do to just men; and righteous men do to the wicked too: This too is vanity.
|
|-
|15
|Then I commended mirth, because a man hath no better thing under the sun, than to eat, and to drink, and to be merry: for that shall abide with him of his labour the days of his life, which God giveth him under the sun.
|I commended mirth, because men have nothing better here on earth than to ear, drink, and be merry: that will allow him to tollerate the days of work in the life that God has given him here.
|
|-
|16
|When I applied mine heart to know wisdom, and to see the business that is done upon the earth: (for also there is that neither day nor night seeth sleep with his eyes:)
|When I applied my mind to seeking wisdom, and to see what is done on earth, because days and night do not sleep with their eyes.
|word analysis said mind needed to be used more often to stress the intellectual side of the bible
|-
|17
|Then I beheld all the work of God, that a man cannot find out the work that is done under the sun: because though a man labour to seek it out, yet he shall not find it; yea further; though a wise man think to know it, yet shall he not be able to find it.
|Then I noticed all the work of God, so great that man cannot discover th extent of work done here on earth: A man may labor to seek it out, but he will not find it; even more, while a wise man might think he knows it he will not be able to find it.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 9==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|For all this I considered in my heart even to declare all this, that the righteous, and the wise, and their works, are in the hand of God: no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before them.
|I decided in my heart to say all of this because this is true; that the righteous, the wise, and their works are in the hands of God: no man knows love or hatred based on what is around him.
|Please don't just change this back, the old way doesn't really work in modern English.
|-
|2
|All things come alike to all: there is one event to the righteous, and to the wicked; to the good and to the clean, and to the unclean; to him that sacrificeth, and to him that sacrificeth not: as is the good, so is the sinner; and he that sweareth, as he that feareth an oath.
|All things come in the same way to all: the same event occurs to the righteous and to the wicked both; to the good and the clean, and to the unclean; to the man that sacrifices, and to the man who does not sacrifice; as it is for the good, so it is for the sinner; as it is for the man who swears, so it is for the man who fears to swear.
|This seems to state that it ''seems'' unfair when bad things happen to good people, and vice-versa
|-
|3
|This is an evil among all things that are done under the sun, that there is one event unto all: yea, also the heart of the sons of men is full of evil, and madness is in their heart while they live, and after that they go to the dead.
|This is an evil common to all things done in this world, that events happen in the same way for all: yes, and sin also lies in the hearts of all men, it torments their hearts while they live, and after that they are dead.
|
|-
|4
|For to him that is joined to all the living there is hope: for a living dog is better than a dead lion.
|For the man that is still living there is still hope: a living dog is better than a dead lion.
|
|-
|5
|For the living know that they shall die: but the dead know not any thing, neither have they any more a reward; for the memory of them is forgotten.
|The living know that they will die: but the dead know nothing, and they will receive no more rewards; their memory is forgotten.
|we remember solomon and he is dead, I think this refers to the memory that the dead possess, i.e. the dead do not remember anything.
|-
|6
|Also their love, and their hatred, and their envy, is now perished; neither have they any more a portion for ever in any thing that is done under the sun.
|Their love, their hatred, and their envy perishes with them; and they will never again play a part in anything done here on Earth.
|
|-
|7
|Go thy way, eat thy bread with joy, and drink thy wine with a merry heart; for God now accepteth thy works.
|Go your way, eat your bread with joy, and drink your wine with a merry heart; because right now God is accepting your works.
|
|-
|8
|Let thy garments be always white; and let thy head lack no ointment.
|Let your clothing always be clean; and let your head be well-groomed.
|Putting ointment on one's head back then was a way to control odors with a pleasant scent. Grooming isn't literal, but it makes more sense to modern readers
|-
|9
|Live joyfully with the wife whom thou lovest all the days of the life of thy vanity, which he hath given thee under the sun, all the days of thy vanity: for that is thy portion in this life, and in thy labour which thou takest under the sun.
|Live joyfully with your wife, whom you love all the days of your life, which He has given to you here on earth, all the days of your life: for that is your portion of this existence, and in your works while here on Earth.
|
|-
|10
|Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might; for there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in the grave, whither thou goest.
|Whatever your hands find to do, do it with all of your strength. There is no work, no device, no insight, nor wisdom in the grave, where you are going.
|"What every you are be a good one" (I think that was Abe Lincoln)
|-
|11
|I returned, and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all.
|I returned, and saw that in life the race is not always won by the swift, and that the battle are not always won by the strong, bread does not always go to the wise, riches do not always go to the smartest, nor does favor always go to the skilled; time and chance happen to them all.
|
|-
|12
|For man also knoweth not his time: as the fishes that are taken in an evil net, and as the birds that are caught in the snare; so are the sons of men snared in an evil time, when it falleth suddenly upon them.
|A man doesn't know his time: just like fish that are taken in an evil net, and birds that are caught in the snare; so are the sons of men snared in an evil time, when suddenly it falls upon them.
|
|-
|13
|This wisdom have I seen also under the sun, and it seemed great unto me:
|I have observed this wisdom living here on earth, and it seemed profound to me.
|
|-
|14
|There was a little city, and few men within it; and there came a great king against it, and besieged it, and built great bulwarks against it:
|There was a little city with a few men living in it; A great king came against it, besieging it, he built great bulwarks against it.
|
|-
|15
|Now there was found in it a poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered the city; yet no man remembered that same poor man.
|Now there lived in that city a poor but wise man, who saved the city through his wisdom; yet that poor man was remembered by no one.
|
|-
|16
|Then said I, Wisdom is better than strength: nevertheless the poor man's wisdom is despised, and his words are not heard.
|Then I said, "Wisdom is better than strength; however, a poor mans wisdom is despised, and his words are ignored".
|Best of the public reference?
|-
|17
|The words of wise men are heard in quiet more than the cry of him that ruleth among fools.
|The words of wise men spoken softly are heard more that the cry of one who rules among fools.
|
|-
|18
|Wisdom is better than weapons of war: but one sinner destroyeth much good.
|Wisdom is better than the weapons of war: but one sinner can destroy much good.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 10==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|Dead flies cause the ointment of the apothecary to send forth a stinking savour: so doth a little folly him that is in reputation for wisdom and honour.
|Dead flies make the apothecaries ointment send forth a foul aroma, so does a little folly in a man who has a reputation for wisdom and honor.
|
|-
|2
|A wise man's heart is at his right hand; but a fool's heart at his left.
|A wise man's heart is at his right hand, a fool's at his left.
|serve from the right clear from the left?
|-
|3
|Yea also, when he that is a fool walketh by the way, his wisdom faileth him, and he saith to every one that he is a fool.
|When a fool comes by, and says something foolish, he tells everyone that he is a fool.
|
|-
|4
|If the spirit of the ruler rise up against thee, leave not thy place; for yielding pacifieth great offences.
|If a someone tries to force you out, stand your ground. Giving in pacifies great offenses.
|
|-
|5
|There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, as an error which proceedeth from the ruler:
|There is an evil on earth, an error that comes from a ruler.
|
|-
|6
|Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich sit in low place.
|Folly is sat at the head of the table while the rich sit at the foot.
|
|-
|7
|I have seen servants upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the earth.
|I have seen servants on horses, and princess walking like servants.
|
|-
|8
|He that diggeth a pit shall fall into it; and whoso breaketh an hedge, a serpent shall bite him.
|If you dig a pit you might fall into it, and if you break into a hedge a snake might bite you.
|
|-
|9
|Whoso removeth stones shall be hurt therewith; and he that cleaveth wood shall be endangered thereby.
|Removing stones may get you caught in a rockfall, and chopping wood may result in a tree falling on your head.
|
|-
|10
|If the iron be blunt, and he do not whet the edge, then must he put to more strength: but wisdom is profitable to direct.
|If your tools are blunt and you do not sharpen them then you will have to work harder; wisdom helps you profit from your work.
|
|-
|11
|Surely the serpent will bite without enchantment; and a babbler is no better.
|If a serpent bites before it is enchanted then what good is it for the enchanter?
|I think that is what this means
|-
|12
|The words of a wise man's mouth are gracious; but the lips of a fool will swallow up himself.
|The words of a wise man are worth much, but the fools will suffer at his own words.
|
|-
|13
|The beginning of the words of his mouth is foolishness: and the end of his talk is mischievous madness.
|From the start his words are foolish, and in the end they are mischievous madness.
|
|-
|14
|A fool also is full of words: a man cannot tell what shall be; and what shall be after him, who can tell him?
|A fool always has plenty to say, but no man can tell what will be, and who can tell him what will come after him?
|
|-
|15
|The labour of the foolish wearieth every one of them, because he knoweth not how to go to the city.
|The Labor of the foolish makes them all tired, they do not know how to seek help.
|
|-
|16
|Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy princes eat in the morning!
|It is a horrible thing for a land to have a King who is only a child and have princes who eat before the work has been done.
|
|-
|17
|Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength, and not for drunkenness!
|It is a blessing for a land to have a King who is the son of noble men, and princes who wait for the right time to eat, and then eat for strength not for drunkenness.
|
|-
|18
|By much slothfulness the building decayeth; and through idleness of the hands the house droppeth through.
|It is only with a lot of neglect that a building decays, with idle hands the house will collapse.
|
|-
|19
|A feast is made for laughter, and wine maketh merry: but money answereth all things.
|A feast brings laughter, and wine brings merriment, but money brings all things.
|
|-
|20
|Curse not the king, no not in thy thought; and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall tell the matter.
|Do not curse the King, don't even think about it. When you go to bed do not curse the rich. Because a bird in the air will sing out, and the bird with out wings will not.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 11==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|Cast thy bread upon the waters: for thou shalt find it after many days.
|Throw your bread on the water, you will find it after many days.
|
|-
|2
|Give a portion to seven, and also to eight; for thou knowest not what evil shall be upon the earth.
|Give some to seven, and to eight, because you do not know what evil is in the world.
|
|-
|3
|If the clouds be full of rain, they empty themselves upon the earth: and if the tree fall toward the south, or toward the north, in the place where the tree falleth, there it shall be.
|If the clouds are full of rain they will rain upon the earth. If the tree falls to the south, or north, the tree will be where it fell.
|
|-
|4
|He that observeth the wind shall not sow; and he that regardeth the clouds shall not reap.
|If you spend your time observing the wind you will not sow, and if you focus on the clouds you will not reap.
|
|-
|5
|As thou knowest not what is the way of the spirit, nor how the bones do grow in the womb of her that is with child: even so thou knowest not the works of God who maketh all.
|Just like you don't know the way the spirit works, you don't how the bones of a child grow in the mothers womb. You certainly do not know the works of God who made them all.
|Spirit used here as an improper noun I think
|-
|6
|In the morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thine hand: for thou knowest not whether shall prosper, either this or that, or whether they both shall be alike good.
|Sow your seeds in the morning, and in the evening sow some more. You do not know which seeds will prosper, if it is one, or the other, or both that will do well.
|
|-
|7
|Truly the light is sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold the sun:
|The light is beautiful to behold, the sun is a pleasure to see.
|
|-
|8
|But if a man live many years, and rejoice in them all; yet let him remember the days of darkness; for they shall be many. All that cometh is vanity.
|If a man lives many years and enjoys them all he should still remember the days of darkness, there will be many of them. All that comes is vanity.
|
|-
|9
|Rejoice, O young man, in thy youth; and let thy heart cheer thee in the days of thy youth, and walk in the ways of thine heart, and in the sight of thine eyes: but know thou, that for all these things God will bring thee into judgment.
|Rejoyce young man, be greatful for your youth. Let your heart cheer for you in your youth, and follow your hear, and do what you see that there is to be done. But always remember that God will judge you for what you do during this time.
|
|-
|10
|Therefore remove sorrow from thy heart, and put away evil from thy flesh: for childhood and youth are vanity.
|Do not harbor sadness in your heart, and do not sin with your body. Childhood and youth are vanity.
|
|-
|}

==Chapter 12==

{| class="wikitable"
|-
!Verse
!King James Version
!Proposed Conservative Translation
!Analysis
|-
|1
|Remember now thy Creator in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, nor the years draw nigh, when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in them;
|Keep your ming on God, your creator, in your youth; before the evil days come, before the years draw on, before you loose pleasure in life.
|
|-
|2
|While the sun, or the light, or the moon, or the stars, be not darkened, nor the clouds return after the rain:
|Before the sun, the light, the moon, and the stars begin to dim, and the clouds return after the rain.
|
|-
|3
|In the day when the keepers of the house shall tremble, and the strong men shall bow themselves, and the grinders cease because they are few, and those that look out of the windows be darkened,
|In the days when housekeepers will tremble, strong men shall bow down, When Grinders cease because they are few, and those who look out into the world grow dim.
|I do not know what kind of grinder, perhaps it is a grain mill, I never made a study of the point.
|-
|4
|And the doors shall be shut in the streets, when the sound of the grinding is low, and he shall rise up at the voice of the bird, and all the daughters of musick shall be brought low;
|The people will bar their doors, the sound of grinding will be low, When men awaken to the sounds of birds but their songs grow faint.
|
|-
|5
|Also when they shall be afraid of that which is high, and fears shall be in the way, and the almond tree shall flourish, and the grasshopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail: because man goeth to his long home, and the mourners go about the streets:
|When they will be afraid of high things and places, and of the streets. The almond tree will flourish, and grasshoppers will descend, but loose his desire. The Man will die, and mourners will pass through the streets.
|
|-
|6
|Or ever the silver cord be loosed, or the golden bowl be broken, or the pitcher be broken at the fountain, or the wheel broken at the cistern.
|Act before the silver cord is broken, before the golden bowl is broken, before the pitcher is smashed at the spring, or the wheel is broken at the well.
|
|-
|7
|Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was: and the spirit shall return unto God who gave it.
|Then the dust will fall back to the earth and the spirit will return to God, who gave it.
|
|-
|8
|Vanity of vanities, saith the preacher; all is vanity.
|Vanity of vanities, said the preacher; all is vanity.
|
|-
|9
|And moreover, because the preacher was wise, he still taught the people knowledge; yea, he gave good heed, and sought out, and set in order many proverbs.
|The Preacher still taught the people and shared his insight, because he was wise; He thought about, searched for, and gave many proverbs.
|
|-
|10
|The preacher sought to find out acceptable words: and that which was written was upright, even words of truth.
|The Preacher searched carefully for the right words to convey his meaning. What he wrote was righteous and true, showing great veracity.
|
|-
|11
|The words of the wise are as goads, and as nails fastened by the masters of assemblies, which are given from one shepherd.
|A wise mans words are like goads, their masters drive them like nails, they are given by the shepherd.
|
|-
|12
|And further, by these, my son, be admonished: of making many books there is no end; and much study is a weariness of the flesh.
|Take this as a warning my son, writing many books is endless, and too much study weakens your body.
|
|-
|13
|Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter: Fear God, and keep his commandments: for this is the whole duty of man.
|To conclude the matter: Fear God and obey his commandment, this is your duty as a man.
|
|-
|14
|For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.
|God will Judge every work, every secret this, both good and evil.
|
|-
|}

[[Category:Conservative Bible]]

Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services

2010-02-23T03:52:56Z

CameronT: spelling: "Development"

The '''Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services''' ('''FDACS''') is an executive department of the government of [[Florida]].

The head of the department is the Florida Commissioner of Agriculture, who is directly elected by voters statewide for a four-year term, and a member of the Florida Cabinet. The current commissioner is [[Republican]] [[Charles Bronson]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.doacs.state.fl.us/|title=Department Home|accessdate=2009-01-15|publisher=Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services}}</ref>

==Divisions==
FDACS has 18 divisions: Administration, Agricultural Environmental Services, Agricultural Law Enforcement, Agricultural Water Policy, Animal Industry, Aquaculture, Consumer Services, Dairy, Food Safety, Forestry, Fruit and Vegetables, Licensing, Marketing and Development, Office of Agricultural Emergency Preparedness, Office of Inspector General, Office of the Commissioner, Plant Industry, and Standards.<ref>[http://www.doacs.state.fl.us/about/history.html Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services: About the Division-History]</ref>

==External links==
[http://www.doacs.state.fl.us/ Department Homepage]

==References==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Florida]]